From the collection of the n m o Prelinger o library p San Francisco, California 2007 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW Editors FRANK D. REEVE PAUL A. F. WALTER Associates PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND FRANCE V. SCHOLES THEODOSIUS MEYER, O.F.M. ARTHUR J. 0. ANDERSON VOLUME XXIV 1949 PUBLISHED QUARTERLY BY THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF NEW MEXICO AND THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW MEXICO CONTENTS BER 1, JANUARY, 1949 Page 0. P. McMains, Champion of a Lost Cause . F. Stanley 1 Puritan and Apache: a Diary (concluded) . . Frank D. Reeve, editor 12 Camels in the Mines Dan DeQuille 54 Notes and Documents . . 62 Book Reviews 77 NUMBER 2, APRIL, 1949 Santa Fe Church and Convent Sites in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries . Fray Angelico Chavez 85 War and Peace : Two Arizona Diaries . . Frank D. Reeve, editor 95 Checklist of New Mexico Publications (continued) Wilma Loy Shelton 130 Notes and Documents 156 Book Reviews 166 NUMBER 3, JULY, 1949 Spanish-American Slave Trade in the Great Basin, 1800-1853 Leland Hargrave Creer 171 New Mexico in Transition (continued) . . * . ". Arnold L. Rodriguez 184 Checklist of New Mexico Publications (continued) Wilma Loy Shelton 223 Notes and Documents 236 Book Reviews . . 255 NUMBER 4, OCTOBER, 1949 Page A Soldier's Experience in New Mexico . John Ayers 259 New Mexico in Transition (concluded) Arnold L. Rodriguez 267 Checklist of New Mexico Publications (continued) Wilma Loy Shelton 300 Notes and Documents 332 ^Mexico Historical Review PUDUC Kansas Palace of the Governors, Santa Fe January, 1949 Editors FRANK D. REEVE PAUL A. F. WALTER Associates PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND FRANCE V. SCHOLES THEODOSIUS MEYER, O.F.M. ARTHUR J. 0. ANDERSON VOL. XXIV JANUARY, 1949 No. 1 CONTENTS Page Champion of a Lost Cause F. Stanley 1 Puritan and Apache: a Diary (concluded) Frank D. Reeve, editor 12 Camels in the Mines Dan DeQuille 54 Notes and Documents 62 Book Reviews 77 THE NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW is published jointly by the Historical Society of New Mexico and the University of New Mexico. Subscription to the quarterly is $3.00 a year in advance; single numbers, except those which have become scarce, are $1.00 each. Business communications should be addressed to Mr. P. A. F. Walter, State Museum, Santa Fe, N. M. ; manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be addressed to Prof. Frank D. Reeve, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, N. M. Entered as second-class matter at Santa Fe, New Mexico UNIVERSITY PRBSS, ALBUQUERQUE, N. M. VOL. XXIV JANUARY, 1949 No. 1 0. P. McMAINS, CHAMPION OF A LOST CAUSE By F. STANLEY* OSCAR PATRICK MCMAINS was like a match; his oratory and courage lit up for a while, and then all ended in smoke. But no story of the Maxwell Land Grant can be told without including him. His coming to New Mexico was an accident in the first place ; once here, however, he was caught in the vortex of moving frontiers, railroads, outlaws, squat- ters, homesteaders, miners, and builders. Monuments have been erected to men who did less than he did. Actually, the original petitioners for the tract which later became the Maxwell Land Grant acted as though they were about to start a grand scale reform school. In the first letter pertaining to the Grant, filed in Santa Fe on January 8, 1841, Guadalupe Miranda and Carlos Beaubien stressed the most elevating motives for their request. Idleness, the mother of vice [their petition reads], is the cause of the increase of crimes which are daily being committed, notwith- standing the severity of the laws and their rigid execution ; the towns are overrun with thieves and murderers. . . . We think it is a difficult task to reform the present generation, accustomed to idleness and hardened in vice. But the rising one, receiving new impressions, will easily be guided by the principles of purer morality. The welfare of the nation consists in the possession of lands which produce all the necessaries of life without requiring those of other nations, and it cannot be denied that New Mexico possesses this great advantage, and only requires industrious hands to make it a happy residence. This is the age of progress and the march of intellect, and they are so rapid that we may expect, at a day not far distant, that they will reach even us. Under the above conviction we both request your Excel- lency to be pleased to grant to us a tract of land for the purpose of Father Stanley Crocchiola, Raton, New Mexico. 2 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW improving it, without any injury to any third party, and raising sugar beets, which we believe will grow well and produce an abundant crop, and in time to establish manufactories of cotton and wool, and raising stock of every description. . . . Thus was launched the enterprise which became the Maxwell Land Grant. Miranda, however, felt rather less confidence in the project than Beaubien. Therefore, in 1858, he sent L. Pablo Miranda as his agent to sell his share to Lucien B. Maxwell, Beaubien's son-in-law, for $2,475. The price included a sum to be paid to the Congress of the United States, and a sum to be paid to Charles Beaubien.1 Maxwell eventually ac- quired all the property for what today would buy a fully furnished home of nine rooms.2 Then he sold out (1870). The recently formed Maxwell Land Grant and Railroad Company, which paid him $1,350,000,3 in turn gave way to foreign interests. These sent their agents to northern New Mexico to protect their interests, especially when it was found out that the land was rich in gold, coal, copper, and other minerals, and in good farming land. At the same time, never bothering about deeds or abstracts, squatters put up their homes here and there, and raised their cattle. Communities developed. One of the articles of incor- poration in the Grant Company's organization called for "laying out towns and villages, and to erect houses, Manu- factories, plant machinery and other buildings upon any property of the company."4 Cimarron, Maxwell's former home, was one of such towns ; it was the county seat in the early days of the Anti-Grant agitation.5 Another settlement, likewise for a time the county seat, was Elizabethtown. 1. See Transfers of Title in Transcript of Title of the Maxwell Land Grant (Rand McNally Co., Chicago, 1881.) 2. In 1864, Frederick Muller and Teodora Muller Beaubien sold their share for $500 ; Joseph Clouthier and Juana Clouthier sold out for $3,500 ; and Vital and Eleanor Trujillo sold out for $3,000. In 1867, J. G. Abreu and Petra Beaubien Abreu sold their share for $3,500. Pablo Beaubien sold his share in 1870 for the same consideration. Aloys Scheurich and Teresina Scheurich Bent had sold theirs in 1866 for $6,000 ; Alexander Hicklin and Estefana Hicklin Bent received the same amount. In all about two million acres were involved. (O. C., pp. 37 and 44.) 8. Ibid., p. 69. 4. Ibid., p. 67. 5. Colfax County. 0. P. MCMAINS 3 To this section, between Elizabethtown and Cimarron, Rev. T. J. Tolby had dedicated his life as a circuit rider for the Methodist Church. He died in 1875 — murdered. To the scene of the crime hurried Oscar Patrick McMains, a fellow-minister of the Gospel. He put aside the cloth to turn detective, and find the criminal. But two weeks later (Octo- ber 1), the body of Cruz Vega was found hanging to a telegraph pole.6 The finger pointed to McMains, who was brought to trial for murder at Taos. The case, however, was dismissed by Judge Samuel Parks; under the evidence re- ceived the minister could not be properly convicted. This much did develop — that Cruz Vega, on being hanged, had protested to the masked men about him (one of whom actually was McMains) that he had had nothing to do with Tolby's death — that perhaps Manuel Cardenas might know something about it. Perhaps it is significant that Cardenas was shot to death on November 10, 1875. This is what led McMains to the land grant question. While investigating the death of his confrere, he for the first time fully realized, among other facts, that there were two types of settlers: those who had bought their property from the Grant people, and those who had made themselves at home on the Grant. Always a crusader, and himself a squatter, he espoused the cause of the Anti-Granters. He proposed to act. Feeling that the vicinity of Cimar- ron was too Pro-Grant, he settled near Raton. There he established a printing shop in order to issue a newspaper called The Comet, which he designated as the official paper of the Anti-Granters. Now he became a general aligning forces for action. And Colfax County was to see some action! Too busy on his ranch when he was not traveling to and from Washington, D. C., he passed the newspaper project to another Anti-Granter — though he still dictated its policy. His successor called it The Raton Guard. Here is an example of McMain's argument: The survey of the Beaubien & Miranda, or the Maxwell Land Grant, a vast tract of country lying in New Mexico and Colorado 6. Cf. W. A. Keleher: Maxwell Land Grant (Santa Fe: Rydal Press, 1942), pp. 75-107. 4 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW which was patented about twenty years ago without adequate examin- ation, and in spite of protests, letters, and papers from this country, showed that the survey erroneously included in the southwest corner Elizabethtown, and Elizabethtown Valley which is rich in minerals. This valley is V shaped, pointing north with a chain of mountains on each side. These papers showed that the boundary line there described in the Grant ran on the east side of the valley instead of the west as surveyed. It is true these protests were not formal because all the lawyers of the country were either employed or intimidated by the Land Grant office. It was customary to make at least, the basis of an investigation but the survey was approved and the patent issued without any time being given for the opposition or the settlers and miners in the valley to take legal steps. . . . Life in the Capital of this great country, with its many examples of successful villainy is very apt eventually to root out the belief providentially planted in men's breasts that the square thing is what pays.7 Later (November 1882) he bought back the paper, this time establishing a partnership with Adams. Re-naming the paper The Raton Comet, he again took up the pen. In his first issue he wrote : . . . Greetings to our friends; defiance to our foes. Here is the Comet again with the same old motto: Open War Against Secret Fraud. The Fraud is a towering, majestic two million acres known as the Maxwell Land Grant. It has fed on fraud; fraud will kill it. Its demise, however, can be hastened by a newspaper as well as legal treatment. . . .8 Meantime he gave a little attention to his ranch south of town, between Dillon and Raton. He sought the best of stock for it and had as his brand the letters MAX. He had been collecting from the Anti-Granters for trips to Wash- ington to induce the Land Office there to reverse its decision that the Grant people possessed title beyond doubt. Com- mented the editor of the Guard before McMains repurchased it: "McMains has purchased a fine brood mare from Frank VanHaren last Monday at seventy-five dollars cash. If the 'Agitator' keeps on buying horses the next Land Grant sale at his ranch will be large."9 7. The Raton Guard, Nov. 25, 1881. 8. The Raton Comet, July 14, 1882. 9. The Raton Guard, June 16, 1882. The editor here refers to an incident which took place in March, 1882. Five men rode in while McMains was attending Court Sessions at Cimarron, and took all his stock as rent for the Maxwell Land Grar.t 0. P. MCMAINS Public Library Kansas City 5 But most of his time went to organizing the movement. Everywhere there was an amalgamation of forces. Every stranger was approached. McMains gained more and more popularity among Anti-Land Granters. From as far away as Nebraska S. D. Stout wrote : The Maxwell Land Grant is a huge swindle. I have seen this Ring [the name given a politics and land faction in Santa Fe, Springer, Taos, Raton, and other places at the time] remove the court to Taos and then send the sheriff a regiment of Negroes [soldiers stationed at Fort Union] to arrest the best citizens of Colfax County.10 So powerful was McMains' influence that the editor of The Raton Guard found himself writing (March 26, 1882) : The Maxwell Land Grant from the day of its fraudulent existence has been noted for taking every little, mean, dirty advantage that it has in its power. And as the last, low fling at the settlers, just on the eve of the trial of the case in the United States Court of Colorado, and just a few days before the bill in equity could be filed, they served their ejectment notices on the settlers in the northern end of the town [the northern end of Raton at the time was known as Boggstown; it was upon Boggs and the settlers near him that the notices were served] and upon 0. P. McMains at his place near town. So long as the bill of equity has not been actually filed and official notice of suit thus actually given, this obnoxious company still has in its power to molest the settlers. The case will come up in Cimarron next week, but if at that time the bill has been filed, or an order received from the attorney-general Brewster to stay proceedings as he ordered the suit, we think the court will continue the cases. McMains not being at home when the officers of the law arrived he was not dispossessed, but they levied on his hay and his goods and they say they will put him out when he returns. The settlers need feel no alarm for the days of the Maxwell Land Grant are numbered. because McMains was a squatter. In April he made a speech in Cimarron which was so vitriolic that the Grant people decided to oust him once and for all. They adver- tised that, on April 19, 1882, all of McMains' effects would be auctioned off as a pay- ment of the property he called his but for which he had no deed. Two hundred of his followers collected at the auction with Winchesters. The sale was started by Sheriff Wallace and Deputy Bowman. Began Wallace: "Who will bid on the mare next to the fence?" Silence. Only hostile looks and gleaming Winchesters. The Sheriff, seeing he could do nothing, then produced a form and read the reasons why McMains had to be ejected, commenting further that he was only doing his duty. The spokesman for the Anti-Granters told him to get going. Next time they wouldn't be so kind. They would march on Cimarron, the county seat, and kill every Pro-Granter there. The ranch was saved. — Cf. The Raton Guard, April 21, 1882. 10. The Raton Guard, March 21, 1882. 6 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW Feeling became more tense and more bitter. Tavern brawls ended as partisan fights. Everyone was either pro or con ; there was no middle ground. George F. Canis, pub- lisher of the Raton paper, The New Mexico Press and News, had espoused the Land Grant's side, so that to McMains he became the official spokesman of the opposition. Other papers throughout the Territory took up the cry either for or against. Raton became a terribly bad place to live in, according to their lights, where life and property is considered of no importance by the bloodthirsty inhabitants of this burg. This impression has gone abroad through the disjointed, garbled, maliciously false statements found in several news- papers. . . . George F. Canis, editor of the New Mexico Press and News is blamed mostly. He published a supplement of seven columns to his paper on October 30, 1882, wherein he charged Rev. 0. P. McMains with murder. . . . Mr. McMains has had to suffer martyr- dom on more occasions than one, by this exposure of corruption and fraud by which the people of Colfax County were threatened to be engulfed. . . . When Parson Tolby, several years ago, was waylaid and shot in the back while performing his duties, Mr. McMains nobly came to the rescue and was instrumental in tracing the murderer of his brother minister. This was an act on his part that placed him at the mercy of the terrible bad element that infested this country at the time. When McMains went to Canis asking for proof of his statements Canis said he didn't have them whereupon McMains addressed a large gathering telling them the facts that led to the killing of Parson Tolby, and of the arrest of Cruz Vegas, as the murderer. When he finished, Canis got up and addressed the crowd and apologised for his writing and promised to write a retraction. Everyone knows that Canis did not do this of his own self but with instructions he dare not disobey. He was used as a catspaw to pull some one else's chestnuts out of the fire. Instead of injuring McMains it is on the whole the very best thing that could be thought of to elect him as a representative of the people of this county to the legislature at Santa Fe.11 Canis was shortly afterwards appointed postmaster at Dem- ing. The Anti-Granters' cries followed him; his effigy was burnt by the settlers there,12 as McMains promptly informed the people of Raton. The Great Agitator, as he was now known, then had 11. The Raton Comet, November 4, 1882. 12. March 11, 1883. 0. P. MCMAINS 7 himself elected to the legislature the better to study the records in his effort to disqualify the claims of the Maxwell Land Grant people. Whenever a flicker of hope gleamed, he promptly sent the news to the newspaper in Raton. For instance: "The Maxwell Land Grant Fraud is doomed on unimpeachable record testimony. The patent has by high judicial authority already been decided to have been ob- tained by fraud in the survey and this fraud in the survey renders uncertain the boundaries of the Maxwell Land Grant as confirmed by Congressional decree. The Grant is entitled to just eleven square leagues."13 Up and down the length and breadth of the Southwest went McMains, agitating against the Grant: Bloosburg, Raton, Santa Fe, Deming, Folsom, Trinidad, Denver, Pueblo, Dallas, Fort Worth, Springer, Cimarron, Elizabethtown, Baldy, Fort Union, Watrous, Tiptonville. When he returned from Denver, a large crowd met him at the Santa Fe station in Raton and escorted him to the McPherson & McAuliffe Hall to hear from his lips once again the story of the cause to which he was dedicating his life.14 Up in Trinidad, The Trinidad News took up the cry : Nobody acquainted with the Maxwell Land Grant pretends to believe that it even approaches the limits now claimed by the swindlers who call themselves the Maxwell Land Grant Company. All the facts go to show that the claims of the Grant Co. are preposterous and fraudulent. It is worth millions of dollars and these thieving rascals have no more right to it than the James Brothers. 0. P. McMains, who is familiar with the whole history of the outrage from its incipiency, has followed them like a sleuth hound; he has been perse- cuted and imprisoned by the swindlers but never faltered in his work, meeting with little encouragement, poor in purse and armed only with the spears of truth and justice, he has battled with these money grants.15 However, some Anti-Grant leaders finally began to question McMains. When C. F. Martin, editor of The Springer Stockman, was asked if he was for or against McMains, he answered: 13. The Raton Comet, Nov. 10, 1882. 14. The Raton Comet, March 13, 1883. 15. March 21, 1884. 8 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW We are for the settlers only, first, last, and for all time. We are opposed to McMains because it is McMains. We do not like the man; we do not think he is keeping faith with the people, and consequently not the proper man to dictate the actions of so many intelligent and honorable people as there are in Colfax County. We oppose him, his personal record and mode of action; not the cause he pretends to champion. Secondly, we are decidedly anti-grant, and desire the people of Colfax County to understand that when the Stockman can be of service, to them or their cause, we want a reserved seat in the front row.16 This was the first note of opposition against McMains. Everywhere people had contributed money to keep McMains in Santa Fe and Washington, D. C. All they got were words, promises, prophecies — "0. P. McMains, who has just re- turned from Washington, says that the whole Grant will soon be public lands."17 People became tired and nervous. The agitation at Springer, in which Rogers, Curry, and Jack Williams lost their lives, became a Grant War. Soldiers, sent from Fort Marcy, Fort Union, and Springer, placed the Colfax County seat under martial law. Vigilantes were or- ganized in Raton — most of them Anti-Granters. The acting governor of the Territory was tricked into recognizing a militia for Raton, and Masterson and his men, through with their fight for the railroad, were hired to do a little fighting. Tired of hatred, agitation, mobs, bloodshed, however, the Vigilantes escorted Masterson and his henchmen over the Colorado border with the admonition never to set foot into New Mexico again. McMains was to be handled by different means. He was to be punished by ridicule. The very newspaper he had once founded was to turn against him. He lost out among his own followers. People would go out of an afternoon to hear him harangue against the Grant just as they would go to see their favorite actor or pet bear : McMains has indeed pursued a strange course since he commenced this fight. He has been the agent of some of us settlers; he has drawn himself up to his full height, and declared that he was born and cre- ated for this special mission of unearthing and defeating the gigantic 16. The Springer Stockman, July 4, 1884. 17. The Taoa Herald. July 15. 1885. 0. P. MCMAINS 9 fraud of the Maxwell Land Grant; that for every great era of national reform there sprung up some gladiator to fight its causes in the arena. But, settlers, notwithstanding all the enthusiasm which has bubbled up from that devoted heart, he forgot all about the great mission for which he was created when he went to Frank R. Sherwin, upon the latter's arrival at Cimarron, and while struggling for the mastery of the great love he had for the downtrodden ignorant settler (in which battle he claims to have come off victorious), then and there offered to bury the hatchet and think no more of wars — to let this immense fraud, which he has raged so much against, to go unfought so far as he is concerned, if the Grant Company would give him title to the ranch and meadow for which the settlers are willing to fight on.18 Will those who blindly follow this fanatic, to the neglect of their own interests, and manly independence, never tumble on the fact that he pretends to be supporting himself at Washington with his own money.19 McMains to the Settler said, "Ho. I tell you that the land must go. Just put up your wealth I'll go east for my health And laugh at you, sabe, just so.20 "Judge Hunt finds that there is nothing to McMains but wind, so he squeezes some of it out, and then leaves him entirely collapsed."21 "O. P. McMains left for Washington on Tuesday. He found the atmosphere here a little chilly; the wind blowing in the wrong way. Everything has gone wrong, and everybody is dishonest but McMains. He secretly had a little pamphlet published in Trinidad. He couldn't risk having it published at Raton."22 All this only a few months after the glowing columns that made him a hero! What a come down from this, printed only the year before : The Rink was crowded almost to suffocation last Friday night, the event being the reception tendered the citizens of Raton to Gover- nor Ross and the Honorable O. P. McMains. There were seats for six hundred, but many had to stand. The estimated attendance was about thirteen hundred. Land grabbing monopolies were brought into 18. The Raton Range, May 28, 1886. 19. Ibid., April 19, 1886. 20. Ibid., May 28, 1886. 21. The Raton Range, April 30, 1886. Ibid., May 7, 1886. 22. Ibid., May 27, 1886. 10 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW his speech by O. P. McMains who said "He has carried on the great fight against land thieves and corrupt officials almost unaided and alone."** For a while his influence, though on the wane, was still felt. "Col. Chas. T. Russell has been notified by the Terri- torial officials to hold fifty men in readiness to go to Colfax County next month when the district court convenes. Max- well Land troubles are expected," said The Socorro Chief- tain.24 "The irrepressible agitator, 0. P. McMains," The Raton Range said, "last year issued an incendiary public circular declaring that the only way that the settlers could get their rights was by raising a 'rumpus.' He finally pro- duced the rumpus and says it was the Maxwell Land people."25 Finally, however, he could not escape the fact that he availed nothing in Raton. He tried Texas. For a long time, he knew, Texas had claimed a boundary that included the land taken in by the Grant. In 1842, as a Republic, she even sent an expeditionary force to take over the disputed land by force of arms.26 Even here he was baffled ; Texas would not deny that the United States Land Claims Office made a mistake in conceding that the Maxwell Land Grant was within its rights in retaining every acre purchased of Lucien Maxwell. It was now an obsession. He sold the few effects he had at Raton and moved to Stonewall, Colorado. There, too, he was soon in hot water. "0. P. McMains and S. D. Bell and Anderson Duling were arrested in Trinidad yesterday," The Raton Range re- ported, "as the result of a riot at Stonewall last August, on charges of manslaughter growing out of the death of Squire Russell, a deputy-sheriff, amongst others who were sent to Stonewall to bring peace. They were anti-grant rioters and were let out on bail of five hundred dollars each, which they' paid."27 "McMains is at last reaping some of the fruit for 23. Ibid., July 10, 1885. 24. August 5, 1888. 25. August 14, 1888. 26. For a good account of this expedition, see Kendall's Santa Fe Expedition (N. Y. : Harpers, 1844). 27. Feb. 22, 1889. 0. P. MCMAINS 11 himself which he has prepared for others. On Wednesday, he was lying in the Trinidad jail with ten indictments over him, calling for $19,000 in bond. Eight separate indictments were found against him for assault with intent to murder John Sells, Ed Brown, John Hannon, William C. Hunn, John Pembroke."28 One newspaper mourned his ruin — The Clayton Enter- prise : ''The Raton Range, and a few other papers of like ilk, seem to rejoice in the fact that the alien land-grabbers put poor McMains in jail for defending the settlers in their rights. We don't see any occasion for rejoicing over the defeat of McMains and the defeat of justice by a set of unscrupulous men and a big pocket book. But what is the use of talking, such is only the illustration of human nature and of the way people are built. So long as there are some people who believe that might makes right and that the big fish are made to eat the little fish just so long will Darwin's theory of human evolution hold good. They are built that way and can't help it."29 After this the records are silent. Whether McMains, because of his poverty, languished in prison, or whether he returned to Stonewall a disillusioned, broken old man, has not been told. He just drops from sight. He probably died in the 90's. No one who has been questioned, no courthouse files, no newspapers have yielded the information. However he may have lived or died, may the poor fellow rest in peace. 28. The Raton Range, March 28, 1889. 29. The Clayton Enterprise, April 25, 1891. PURITAN AND APACHE : A DIARY Edited by FRANK D. REEVE (concluded) Our gallant and imaginative Colonel, was this morning highly excited, upon observing on a distant hill some moving objects which he insisted were Indians. It was indeed a cheering sound and for a few moments, raised our monoton- ous thoughts, to to a fearfully dizzy height, at least until the more rational, and keener sighted of our party, could pro- nounce our Indian friends to be a few straggling antelope. So our thoughts were compelled again to return to the calm- ness of the still waters ; and our imaginations to fancy foes, in the ten thousand palmetto stalks, waving far and near. We marched to-day about 14 miles in the direction of the Burroe [Burro] Mountains, and camped for the night in a beautiful cannon, enclosed by two spurs from them — We approached this lovely spot by a narrow winding pass, and near the entrance of it found several Indian lodges, with the very recent remains of one wigwam. They had not been deserted more than a week, at the very longest time, and their very sight, together with the thought that we were now approaching the homes of our dusky foe, was, (to me,) quite novel, and not unpleasantly exciting. Steen and myself pitched our beds in a thick shaded copse enclosed on all sides by fragrant thorny bushes, all in blossom and more resemb- ling a planted garden of flowers than a wild uncultivated region which had never before seen the hated 'pale face'. Our camp was called by the guides "The Senegal" [Cienega, a marsh] which translated is Lake. It was one of the most delightful spots, that I had seen in New Mexico. May the 12th 1857 Opened upon us with the agreeable information that we were to lay in camp, news that could by no means be unpleasant, to one naturally as indolent, and particularly, as sleepy as I happened to be on the day in question : — and immediately 12 Kansas City, ivm. PURITAN AND APACHE 13 upon the receipt of it I determined to return to the habita- tion of Mr. Morphia [morphine] himself, (not Morpheus) where I sojourned until S1/^ A.M. when like Peter30 I arose, but unlike him, did eat of some manner of four footed beast, and I think that I was not quite so much troubled with it as he was — Passed the day in lolling about, strolling around the vicinity of our camp, sleeping, reading, etc. not f orgeting to jot down a few lines, in this self same journal of mine — Reccollect nothing worthy of note, unless indeed the getting very drunk, of Lieut. Edson, by which he created a great deal of disturbance, can be called so. May 15th—31 Marched at 7 A.M. in the direction of the highest point of the Burroe Mountains, which our column had been ordered by Col. Bonneville to scout; Lieut Jackson was detailed yester- day to start at 7 A.M. this morning, with his detachment, and that of Lieut. Cooke, numbering together about 80 men. They were to march to the west of these mountains, passing as near the summits as possible, while the remaining portion of the column passed to the Eastward of them. — We, also, by our assumed direction, were gradually approaching the highest points of the Mountains, passing in our course over a continuous succession of wave like summits or ridges, which seemed from their formation, to have been rolled, while in a liquid state, like the waves of the ocean, high, one above the other, by some mighty power, constantly increas- ing, until the energy of the colossal force had exhausted itself with a last gigantic effort, and they had remained from that hour, congealed and transfixed forever in their dizzy heights, eternal monuments of the vast creative will of Jeho- vah ! But are these more than mere curls of vapour, which rose from the great cauldron of creation, when its mighty elements were seperated? For the planets and stars are but the lamps, which have flown from the potters wheel, of the Great Worker: — the shred coils which in the working 30. And I heard a voice saying unto me, Arise, Peter; slay and eat. Acts 11:7. 31. At this point Lazelle has probably misarranged his Journal. The reader is invited to skip to page 17, under date of May 13, and then read in order the entries under May 14 and 15. 14 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW sprang from His mighty lathe; — the sparks which darted from His awef ul anvil, when the Solar System lay incandes- cent thereon! But Even this, shows the greatness of His work, and have been rolled into forms of Symetry and order, as well as all other bodies which we can discover in the Uni- verse, which have been called into existence as multitudes of worlds ; — or into masses of light and splendour, by the vast whirl which the original creative energy imparted to the luminous element of which they were formed. These rolling mountainous ridges, contain embosemed between them, the most lovely valleys, through the middle of which, in almost all cases, may be found a limpid stream of the purest water, which dashes and sports along, and seems to invite one, in its childish playf ullness, to come and pass an hour with it, in harmless gambols, undisturbed by follies of a corrupt world These valleys are filled with the most luxuriant growth of pines, live oaks, ceders, and an undergrowth of very beautiful wild rose bushes, which have put forth their hands and try to detain the passerby at every step ; and tempting him with the delicious fragrance of their nectar cups, and mingling their delightful odors with those of the thousand and one varieties of flowers, which fill the cool air with their welcome perfume ; — seem to beg one to consider if this is not one of the most fitting spots for reflection, and calm communion with Nature, in all her loveliest limits — But I imagine that my reason, has vacated my brain to my fancy, and that, perhaps I have been writing, not as I now think, but as I felt, when I passed over this spot to-day — such wild and pleasant retreats are they. The mountain tops and sides are covered with timber, and we marched through, around, over, and amongst it until after about ten miles of wandering we camped in a very pretty spot. I was "Officer of the Day" to-day, and in visiting the various pickets of sentinels at night, as it was quite dark, I got lost and straying far away from camp spent nearly half the sleeping hours of the night in finding my way back. The pickets had, by the direction of the Com- manding Officer, been placed nearly half a mile distant from PURITAN AND APACHE 15 the body of the encampment, to prevent to[o] near an ap- proach of Indians, who might attempt to steal our animals, and it was in passing around the camp to visit them, that I mistook my course and passed these few hours in strolling speculations — so pleasantly. May the 14th Started at 7 A M — Day like yesterdy — cool and pleasant. Our course was still North West in the direction of a pass in the mountains called the "Cannon of Magnas Colorado,"32 this being the name of one of the principle and most notorious chiefs of the whole Apache nation. These mountains are favourite resorts of of Indians be- ing filled with remains of their habitations, and every where betraying evidences of their recent presence; — but this cannon is particularly, one of their most frequented haunts — After traveling several hours through a country, in appearance very like that of yesterday, we came upon the trail left by the wagons in their route to the "Gila River Depot."33 We had pursued this but a short distance when we came in sight of some of them returning to Fort Thorn for more provisions for our Indian depot. They proved to be those of Mr. McGoffin and presently I saw "Sam," Monsie[u]r Capalards, and "Valdez,"3* "who are well known to those who know them." By the time we had come up with them their wagons were encamped in a nice shady place, and it was so pleasant that the Doctor and myself determined to 32. The Mimbreno chief was "called Mangas Colorado (Red Sleeves), from a fash- ion he had adopted of wearing his arms painted with the blood of his victims." Mrs. F. E. Victor, "On the Mexican Border," Overland Monthly, VI, 464 (May, 1871). See also John C. Cremony, "Some Savages," Ibid., XIII, 202 (March, 1872) ; Cozzens, The Marvellous Country, p. 118f. 33. This was the main supply base for the expedition. It was located on the east bank of the Gila river about fifteen miles from the Mogollon mountains, in a valley about forty miles long and twenty-five miles wide. The Mogollon mountains were to the north, the San Vicente to the east, the Burro and Almoque to the south, and the Patos and San Francisco to the west. Bonneville to James Collins, Santa Fe, September 22, 1857. Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report, November 30, 1857. 35 cong., 1 sess., sen. ex. doc. 11, p. 583 (919). 34. "Gabriel Valdez, brother James" brother-in-law arrived this morning with brothers J's, & W's wagons." Down the Santa Fe Trail and Into Mexico: The Diary of Susan Shelby Magoffin 1846-1847. Edited by Stella M. Drumm, p. 146 (Yale Uni- versity Press, 1926). I am unable to identify the Capalards. 16 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW remain with them an hour or so, letting the troops pass on without us — We were very hospitably entertained by them, the Doctor representing the drinking portion of the "Staff," while I confined myself to the eating and smoking part of the entertainment. Now as "Pills" had to drink with three, and against them, the result was that the moment for start- ing, found him "excessively tight," and very garrulous. And the finale was, that as we had remained so long that we were unable even by the most rapid riding to overtake the column. — At least so we thought, never dreaming in our hurry and anxiety, that the command had left the wagon trail, for one leading in another direction, far behind us — Nor was it until alarm took the place of other feelings, that we were led to examine our position, and the wagon trail which we had been so long following. On doing this we discovered that all of the tracks "headed" in the opposite direction from that in which we were traveling, and we then found to our dismay, that we had lost "The trail" — It was agreeable to think that we were seperated from the column, — totally ignorant of the country, and at the least ten or twelve miles from any but Indians in the heart of their country. We immediately rode back until we came to a point of the road where the tracks were so confused and indistinct that it was impossible for us to tell which way was the right one. The doctor swore that he would go no farther: — that this must have been the road taken by the troops ; that it led somewhere etc etc — I persuaded him to wait for me to go back alone a mile or so to examine farther. After riding some distance, and making a very careful inspection of the path, I came upon a trail which I was convinced had been very recently made. This was followed for a long distance, but as it led away over the mountains, to the South of our proper direction, I was compelled to give it up as one belong- ing to our red brothers, and finaly returned and reported my ill luck. We now went to work in deep earnest to, find ourselves, each taking a side of the route to look for side trails, and after traveling several miles, we discerned faint marks of horse shoes on the hard flinty soil, which upon PURITAN AND APACHE 17 tracing them a while opened or rather led to softer ground where were unmistakable signs of our column having passed over it. We followed it rapidly and towards night came in sight of our camp, where we finaly arrived without further accident, except that we were very tired, a little discouraged, and somewhat hungry and unhappy — Late to night there arrived an express from Lieut. Jackson, describing his position and requesting further orders. He was directed to march on "St Lucia Springs"35 and join us there the next day. It was quite cold at night freezing water to the depth of one half of an inch — We saw to night many signal fires on the mountains, of the Indians, warning each other of our position and ap- proach, and it was curious to observe the ingenious methods which they have of exchanging signals, by varying the intensity, colour, and position of the light — Our column had traveled to day about twenty five miles — May 13th Found us at an early hour pursuing our winding way in the direction of the "St Lucia Springs." We were joined at about 11 A. M. by Lieuts Jackson and Cooke who reported that they had seen no Indians, but many very recent signs. This was as we expected and of course illustrated virtualy the proverb, "Blessed are they who expect nothing, for they shall not be disappointed."36 (Of course, no one, I hope, will charge me with levity or want of proper respect, for the greatest of books, for I mean nothing — ) We saw nothing during our march to day of more than usual interest with the exception of the burning mountains and hills, which were on fire on every side of us. Upon arriving at the springs, we found the grass completely burned off for miles around us, and the hills and prarie in our vicinity still smoking. Not a living thing was in sight, either animal, or vegetable, with the exception of a few wolves and ravens, 35. Santa Lucia Springs was the site of a proposed Apache reservation as pro- moted by Michael Steck. Frank D. Reeve, "Federal Indian Policy in New Mexico 1858- 1880," NMHR, XIII, 282 (April, 1938). 36. "Blessed is he who expects nothing, for he shall never be disappointed." Alex- ander Pope's letter to Gay, October 6, 1727. Pope calls this the eighth beatitude. Roscoe's edition of Pope, X, 184, taken from John Bartlett, Familiar Quotations. 18 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW which had been disturbed in their feast from a carcass which lay near the water. The former sat upon a hill, barking and howling at us, but a very short distance off, while the latter sluggishly flapped their wings and slowly flew away as though gorged with their disgusting feast. Every where to the extent of vision was a scene of the bleakest desolation, as though the world had been burned and we had been doomed to view its barrenness — It was of course soon decided not to encamp here, and we resumed our march toward the Gila. After a few miles a sudden bend of the trail, brought us to a cannon, whose high and rocky sides had prevented the fire from reaching its valley, containing plenty of water and a grassy, sheltered position for our animals, and it was resolved to remain here — About "twilight" I ascended a high hill, to get a better view of the burning mountains, and prarie, the fire of which was rapidly extending its destruction toward the river, and the "Depot." It had unquestionably been lighted by the Indians, and seemed a part of their admirable tactics. As soon as it became dark, I had spread before me one of the grandest sights of the Earth: — for a space of at least one hundred miles in diameter, and whose limit was burning mountains, was one gorgeous arena of leaping flames. And as the wind occasionally caught them and distortingly threw them into a thousand fanciful shapes, sportingly lifting the sparks and sheets of flame high in the air, it lighted up, most brilliantly, but with a heated and lurid glare, for miles around the sky and blackened earth. Sometimes subsideing — with the wind — its vehemnance, it would die away gradualy, and become fainter and fainter — dull and smoky and then evenly arrange itself in long lines, would gravely assume the character of the illuminated streets of a great city, and in the picture — or pantomime of Nature — you almost heard the busy hum, never ceasing — the mocking, monotonous indistinct sounds of its selfish, eager, moving thousands — Then rapidly flushing and run- ning like lightning over vast portions of the almost naked prarie, it would greedily, swallow up its robe of grass, which would itself become violent and furious — Or dancing up PURITAN AND APACHE 19 the sides of mountains of thousands of feet in height, and plunging down its ravines, it would scatter to far off regions the light growth of verdure which they had so many years been accumulating. As I looked absorbed, upon this wild, and almost un- earthly spectacle, I could hardly, but fancy myself a Nero, gazing upon the vast conflagration of the mighty empires wonderful capital, myself a part of its wide destruction. In the moans of the wind, I imagined that I could hear, the dying groans of its thousands of victims, and the shrieks of the frantic in the fierce crackling of the burning space — I remained, I hardly know how long enraptured and overwhelmed by the grand spectacle, but it was not until a late hour that I retired to muse and speculate — May 16th While taking breakfast this morning, we heard in a tree near us, a bird singing so much like a canary, that for a moment, I was quite surprised and startled — We com- menced an immediate and careful search for our tiny fair visitor, Steen remarking that one of Mrs. Brice's birds had certainly escaped, and I thought so too, if it were possible. It proved to be a small "red bird" Which soon became fright- ened, leaving us to our thoughts and wishes for music — Started early, in the direction of the "Gila river Depot," stopping but once during our march, and then for the pur- pose of extinguishing a fire, which was rapidly coursing its way toward the river, and down the cannon which we were traveling. Col. Miles and myself, with a portion of the advanced guard, pushed on rapidly, and soon arrived in sight of the Depot encampment. I must confess, that I was exceedingly disappointed, when I compared the picture which fancy had sketched in my imagination, with the one actualy before me, of the river Gila, its depot and the surrounding scenery — The river is a small, rapid stream, of clear cold water: from the appearance of its banks and their vicinity, it is subject to sudden and very rapid rises, overflowing its whole valley in places : The water, rushing down from its confine- 20 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW ment in the mountain heights, on the approach of warm weather, sweeps every thing before it. The force so suddenly acquired soon leaves it however, depositing in the valley and on the river's bank, a vast amount of detritus of both vegetable and mineral composition, but more particularly the former, and to such an extent as to have formed a soil of alluvium, of great depth, very rich and arable. It rises in the Mogillon [Mogollon] mountains from springs, which are distant, in a direct line about thirty miles: its course is however, very tortuous, flowing South, then North East, around the wide prarie bluff of about twenty miles in diameter, upon which the Depot is situated, — then South and South East to its mouth. It is at this place, about twenty feet wide, and from two to five in depth. It[s] bottom is gravelly, composed principally of ( ) gramuck, clay- slate, pyroxene, and quartz pebbles. But the quantity of silicious sands is not sufficient to promise a very rich harvest to the gold hunter: nor to warrant the circulation of ru- mours, as have been reported abroad of their richness. Sandstone is met with in great abundance always containing an unusual proportion of iron. Sulpheret of copper is also frequently met with, and this, together with the mica slate, which is here of a peculiar yellow tinge, as they lie in the clear water, or are otherwise exposed to light, under equally favourable circumstances, in disintegrated particles, sparkle brilliantly, and have undoubtedly led many ignorant persons, to suppose what they saw, to be gold : — but the simple appli- cation of a knife blade soon decides the question. All of these sands are the result of its washings, as the rocks in this section of the country are igneous and conglom- erate in their origin, or primitive in their structure. The valley of the river is very narrow and has but a scant growth of trees, principally of a rank spongy nature, as the cotton- wood : but it is filled, to such a degree as to form almost an impenetrable thicket, with most a luxuriant growth of weeds, and shrubery, and fern like plants of such magnitude indeed as to forcibly remind one of the carboniferous forma- tion, and its era — The whole vast range of country, which we have passed over, up to this point is, out of the river PURITAN AND APACHE 21 bottoms, and their immediate basins, identical in character with that here, which borders the Gila valley. Indeed the whole of New Mexico, so far as I can judge from personal observation is one vast spread of barran waste, and desola- tion. Not in the Almighty's hand, but that of Man. With its wide, and wonderfully extended table lands, reaching, beyond the limits of vision, even from the most elevated points, bare and totally destitute of vegetation, in any form, with the solitary exception of its hundred varieties of cactus, and its monotonous and wearying stretch of "mesquite roots" and creasoat [creosote] plants; with its distorted and frequent ranges of mountains, broken up into rugged rocky, detached peaks, ridges, and "aroyas" [arroyos]; and its hard stoney, rock or sand soil, destitute of alluvial forma- tions except in its river's narrow valleys; all indicate, but too plainly, that it has not yet undergone sufficient geological changes to render it a fit dwelling place, for the require- ments of the civilized and enlightened portion of mankind, whose wants are as numerous as the sands of its deserts. Every, and each, geological, minerological, and vegetable production, which it at present contains, with but few excep- tions, mark it, as but suitable for the savage's range, or the fitting place of residence for the dirty, wretched blan- keted thieves, — that conglomeration of the vilest collection, of the most miserable, portion of all the lowest, most de- graded, and ignorant races of mankind, who have here had the hardihood to assume the name of one of the nations of the earth, and call themselves a people — Mexicans. And I am by no means alone in my views of its habita- bility, or suitableness for it. The same opinion has been advanced by one whose antecedants in the scientific world, if not his present position, (Professor Heindrick)37 would be sufficient proof of the correctness of the opinion. The plan of Secretary Walker,38 with regard to this 37. My colleague, Professor Lincoln La Paz, suggests that this person may have been Oswald J. Heinrich (1827-1886), a geologist who wrote on coal and salt mines in Virginia and Canada. 38. Maybe the Robert J. Walker who was Secretary of the Treasury in Folk's cab- inet. He was an ardent expansionist, wanting a larger slice of Mexico after the War, and visualizing great economic possibilities in the area. However, Lazelle's comment is not clear and I do not have Walker's actual plan at hand to check the matter further. 22 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW country, was looked upon as extremely extravagant, if not chimerical, but those who so hastily opposed the suggestion, or proposition advanced by him, might be disposed to be more guarded in their opposition, were they eye witnesses of its worthlessness as a country — The "Depot" is as before mentioned, situated upon a very level plateau of the broad prarie bluff; is contiguous to water, wood, etc with excellent grazing in its immediate vicinity, which the Indians have not as yet succeeded in touching by their extensive incendiary acts, oweing to the great vigilance of the officers of the camp who have several times been compelled to go out in large parties to extinguish the burning grass. The encampment is well arranged, and contains the usual large and commodious storehouses, the hospital, workshops and quarters for troops which are sreneraly established. We encamped within one and a half miles of it, and in the after- noon were visited by most of its officers, and beyond this I do not now particularly remember any startling events: so that I may not make a fool of myself by saying too much, (which would be much worse than had I not written at all,) I will open upon May the 17th "Struck our tents" at 8 A. M. to cross the river, to another spot, better situated, and possessing more advantages, and conveniances. I was directed to lay out and name the camp, which was done, and posterity will doubtless be grateful to me for its name — so original — "Union" — Visited the post this morning, and saw Colonel Bonneville, Maj Simonson and the other officers stationed there — Received from there a package from home which I had before leaving Fort Bliss given particular directions should be kept until I returned, as it was for "Somebodie" there — Some poor unfortunate however, deeming that he, or they, would do me a favour by forwarding it, received instead of thanks, anything but that, for their trouble, and kindness : — certainly the basest ingratitude on my part. "Twas ever PURITAN AND APACHE 23 thus from childhood's earliest hour,"39 — And the pleasure of being happily disappointed, I have but very few times experianced. But I believe that what Carlysle [Carlyle] says is ter- ribly true, that, "The eye sees, always what it brings with it to see"40 That I am fitfully moody I know, or in other words rosy with hope, then green with melancholy, and prone to attribute disappointment to ill luck rather than natural causes. This morning, Lieut. Whipple, and Lieut. Steen, re- ceived instructions to be prepared to start at Sunset, on detached service, to be followed by Capt. Clairborne with fifty mounted men to-morrow morning. Their instructions state that they are to march to a certain cannon in the mountains, which is about twenty miles distant, and care- fully guard it until joined by Capt. Clairborne in the morn- ing, when both commands, under the orders of Capt. Clair- borne, are to explore the cannon in search of a supposed Indian encampment, containing it is thought about forty In- dians, parties from which (it is thought,) have committed nightly depredations upon the property at the Depot encampment. Col. Bonneville has been informed by his guides that a severe battle will, most probably, be the inevitable result of sending this party out: — that the guides have seen the encampment ; — that large numbers of Indians are constantly there etc. etc. All of which but few believe, the general character of our guides being too well known to warrant much faith in their statements. However on the strength even of the supposition of 39. "Oh ! ever thus, from childhood's hour, I've seen my fondest hopes decay." Thomas Moore, The Fire-Worshippers, I, line 279. " 'Twas ever thus from childhood's hour ! My fondest hopes would not decay : I never loved a tree or flower Which was the first to fade away !" Charles Stuart Calverly, Disaster. Both quotations are from The Oxford Dictionary of Quotations (Oxford, 1941). 40. I do not have the reference direct to Carlyle, but the Oxford Dictionary of English Proverbs gives the following : "The eye sees in all things that which it brought with it the power to see," 1906 OWE Russell Soc., Silh. xivi. 24 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW its truth, and under the influence of its excitement, I got everything in readiness, and volunteered my services to Col. Miles, requesting him to allow me to accompany the party detailed for the service. In this I was very curtly (I thought) refused, and it was given as a reason that I could not be spared! I almost determined to see him in a very far off place, of quite high temperature, before I would offer myself again, unsolicited, or ordered : out of my proper line of duties as Adjutant of the column, either to write a line, or make a map. They have now gone, and I have only to regret, that I have not a little, foreknowledge of events — But its quite late, and perhaps that I have complained enough for one day, so I will wait until tomorrow — May the 18th It is just four weeks this morning, since I left Fort Bliss, with some of its associations, and scenes, never to be forgot- ten, and as clear to me as life itself. I have neither seen an Indian, nor heard of one having been seen, by any one, else, since starting: with the excep- tion of one whom our valiant commander, — Col Bonneville — thinks that he saw, from the window of his ambulance, while he was coming out here from Fort Thorn. — However as this old gentleman is known to be very crafty, and want- ing in what the Mexicans style "bravo," it is suspected that the chieftain said this as an alarm, to place others on their guard against similar surprises — Capt. Clairborne left us at an early hour this morning, for the mountains. And I left my bed soon after, for a cooler place: for one is compelled to be an early riser, here, the sun is so very hot in the morning — Col Loring's advanced guard of the "Northern Column" consisting of a company of Spies and guides, composed of rangers, woodsmen, and Navajo Indians,41 arrived last night, and report that Col. Loring's Column is one days march from the Depot, having marched across the country 41. The Navaho Indians in the northern column were recruited from a band of peaceful Navahos who had long: lived near Mt. Taylor, west of Albuquerque. They were sometimes referred to as the Christian Indians, and as Sandoval's band. The Navaho chiefs farther west refused to campaign against the Apache. PURITAN AND APACHE 25 from Santa Fe and the posts in its vicinity, where the troops were collected, in about twenty days. His column has shared the same fate as our own, having seen no Indians, and with the exception of the severe sick- ness of Lieut Tracy,42 have met with nothing unpleasant — Our friend Col. Bonneville is, greatly disgusted, and labouring under considerable excitement: — says that he does not care a damn, whether the Indians burn down the Depot or not! And I am sorry to say, that he is far from being alone in his opinions, so long as he has command. I think that possibly he might be able to borrow a little of the feeling, which he is so free in expressing; so universal is the dislike for him. None of us expect to see Indians unless they wish to be seen. And all are of the opinion, (with few exceptions) that they have abandoned this section of the country, for moun- tains far to the west, and South of us ; and that some tribes have gone over the boundary to seek a shelter in Mexico. Except, of course, a few lightfooted, thieving bucks, who still roam about the mountains in parties of two or three. Col. Miles freely declares, that he expects soon to be ordered to take, as he says — 'the back track/ home, and his wishes, are evidently, no less intense, that [than ?] his opinion I must freely admit, that for one, I should be glad to see him gone, as he has proved himself an incubas, instead of an aid, and recreant to the first duties of an officer. It is not my desire, to march over a hot dusty country for gran- deur, even if I occupy a favourable position, while so doing : — as I might do, if he continues in command — But to what point we proceed, or whither our direction, "Quien Sabe" [who knows] — for the present, we remain in camp. Not that, how long we are gone, is a matter of the utmost indifferance to me; but it is the feeling which all have, so dissatisfied are we with, the want of energy, care, and activity, in executing, and the utter deficiency in prepar- ing, and planning, a campaign of so much importance. — 42. There is no Tracy listed in Heitman who can be described without doubt as this officer. 26 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW As is shown in the most glareing colors and with in- creasing distinctness daily. — However, notwithstanding this, we are in fine spirits and always ready, at the service of 'good Mr. Indian/ May 19th At an early hour this morning I visited "Fort Floyd" as "Old Bonne's," (Col. Bonneville's) stronghold is designated, for the purpose of submitting, the 'report' of our Column's oper- ations, during the last twenty days ; and also for the purpose of obtaining provisions for it: for I am now the acting Commissary and Quartermaster, during the absence of Lieut Steen the one appointed first. I saw at the depot for the first time in my life, — where they were not on exhibition, — a real, live, wild Indian ; — a "Navajoe." I walked about him, examined, and inspected him, with as much curiosity as a country boy would an ele- phant, 'which he has only "hearn tell of," but never before seen — He was one of a party of fifty friendly "Navajoes," who are under the control of Lieut. Bonneau43 and attached to the command, or Column of Col. Loring. I long to see them all together. Passed a portion of the day, in copying and arranging "reports" of various kinds ; and among them, a compliment- ary one, of Col. Mile's, in which, "every body" is distin- guished for doing nothing — Read and slept, the remainder of the day, and now propose to do the latter again. May the 20th Visited the camp at the Depot this morning with the re- port of Col. Miles, which was by me submitted in due form to that great captain, Bonneville, whose name this great Expedition, will by its deeds, undoubtedly hand down to an admiring and grateful posterity. I met at the quarters of this distinguished warrior, Col. Loring and his staff. Found 48. Richard Vanderhorst Bonneau, born in South Carolina, graduate of the United States Military Academy; Bvt. 2nd Lt., 3rd Infantry, July 1, 1852. 2nd Lt, March 8. 1855. He held the rank of Major in the Confederate Army and died January 28, 1899. Public Library PURITAN AND APACHE GJty, 27 them pleasant and agreeable gentlemen. The morning was passed, by me principally, in listening to the egotistical monopoly of conversation, by Bonneville, and refusing to accept of his repeated and pressing invitations, to drink; and I afterwards felt infinately more grateful, to Heaven for having granted me the courage to refuse, than I could have had for spending a life time with princes — (Thank God for N - 's influence!)44 "May the Lord preserve our memories green" ! ! shall always be my prayer. I had this morning an opportunity of observing, and examining the parties of "Navajoe" and "Pueblo," Indians, who together with the company of "Guides and Spies," are with the Column of Col. Lor ing. The latter, are the most desperately degraded, and rough looking, abandoned set of men, that I have ever seen together ; and are, apparantly perfectly suited for the vilest work. They are, generaly speaking, the most hardy Mexi- cans, and the lowest desperado Americans, that New Mexico can produce. And their real object in serving in this cam- paign is, unquestionably, plunder.45 The Indians are, generaly, — and I include those of both nations, small in their persons, diminutive in stature, with slender, and almost attenuated limbs. Their features are of the most repulsive nature : they have low foreheads, narrow and retreating, heavily marked brows, and small sharp, quick eyes; their noses are flat or much depressed, with wide nostrils like the negro ; they have yawning seprulchal [sepulchral] mouths, with hideous projecting jaws They are very long armed, narrow chested and bow legged, with unusualy small feet. Their intellectual developements are of the lowest and most limited, and perhaps of the meanest, character possi- ble; as they are constantly exhibiting the most cowardly ferocity, and lowest cunning at every favourable opportun- ity. They are extremely filthy in their persons, and dress; the latter consisting of rags, — perhaps cast off soldier's 44. Maybe the girl he left behind in El Paso. See note 1 and 58. 45. Civilian expeditions against Indians for plunder and captives was a not un- common practice in the mid-nineteenth century in New Mexico. 28 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW clothing — with possibly a dirty garment or so, of buckskin : or a blanket, of some coarse material, and breech clout serves to cover their nakedness. They are armed, mostly, with bows and Spears, but their appearance, even in war costume, and painted, should I suppose, be, by no means, calculated to strike terror, to the soul of a coward. Altogether, I was intensely disgusted and disappointed, in this first view, of Indian character, as it is; for I think that their appearance, is little calculated to inspire much of the poetry of Indian romance, dreamed, rather than thought of, by the author of "Hiawatha." And from my own experiance, I am inclined to believe, that when the fancy is given full scope, it lends to the imagination a softer picture of Nature's sons, than the reality of a closer acquaintance warrants. I had just completed several letters when I received, late in the evening, directions from Colonel Miles to publish, to the various officers of his command an order for our march, at day-light in the morning. This order came originaly from the depot, and is, I presume the offspring of some brilliant reverie, of that acute, grey-headed child, "Bonne" — May 21st As I supposed : — we started at reveille this morning, in hot search of a sheep trail!!! Which Sheep trail is said to be somewhere in the vicinity, or leading out of, the "San Jacinto" mountains46 — It was made by some sheep, it is conjectured, which were stolen from a town called Secoro, [Socorro] and distant from here about two hundred miles. These sheep were stolen about six weeks ago, and the "trail" which our column of three hundred and fifty men ! ! ! ! are ordered to search for is reported by the guides to be two weeks old ! ! The sheep were run off, by not more than half 46. Judging from the description of the route of travel, the San Jacinto mountains lie between Bear Creek and Mangas Creek ; to the north, and roughly parallel to their line of march, is the Black Range of today or the Mogollon of their day. The San Jacinto mountains of Lazelle's Journal are apparently the San Vicente on old maps and as mentioned by Bonneville, note 33. PURITAN AND APACHE 29 a dozen Indians ; and all of the Indians in this section of the country, it is well known do not together number more than three hundred fighting men, which are considered about equal to one half that number, in strength, of good soldiers — This is so notorious, that this act is considered, to speak of it in the mildest terms, as a supreme military blunder, and quite enough to rid one, of great reliance upon our leader, or chief commander, for success. But it is, we all feel, our duty to obey, and not to question. But one can hardly prevent it with a pen in his hand, and no witness save the silent paper. Beyond this, I am resolved to be quiet. It would seem that Col. Bonneville, overcome tfMPfc9£--'' founded by his own thoughts in his endeavors to satisfy the desires of the Colonels, commanding the two Columns, in forming some plan of a campaign, has, to save himself, taken refuge in the wretched subterfuge, which this sheep trail has offered him, as a chance for success — He has ordered both columns in pursuit: — nearly eight hundred men — to do the work of fifty. — He has caught at the straws of circum- stances, floating upon the surface of events, to redeem a flag- ing reputation, ignominiously won in Mexico ; or a notoriety, unenviable, which he obtained in an endeavor at personal agrandizement, when sent to fight the battles of his country, among the Indians of the western frontier, years ago. It is to be regreted, as a fault, and a serious one too, of our service, that age up to a certain grade, and age alone, gives rank : and rank of course, is power. Thus a head in its dotage, may be a fatal clog to a great enterprize. It is indeed disheartening, too, that those actively engaged, and who are anxious to finish, — as could well be done, — in a few weeks a campaign, which, under the con- trol of such a man, would prove interminable, even with the armies of Xerxes. We have marched to-day only about 8 eight miles — We started with twenty days provisions, and we all feel that the slow movements of our long column of heavily laden pack mules, are illy calculated for the object to be obtained. "Everybody" is in a bad mood, and very unsociable. And 30 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW feeling sensibly the truth of anothers, opinion of association of ideas, I think that I had better put away this "index error," of myself, for some future moments' employ. Friday May 22nd Marched at day-light this morning, without having been joined by Lieuts' Whipple, and Steen, who it will be remem- bered, were sent out some days ago with two day's provisions. They were expected to return on the night previous to our departure ; and orders were left for them to join us, imme- diately on their arrival, with their detachments. I am interested slightly, somewhat personally, in their comeing on soon : as Steen is my mess mate, and happens to have with him the greater part of my cooking utensils, and preserved meats ; to say nothing of the twenty days provisions for us both, which I left for him to bring up, having with him, a mule for that purpose — Should he not join us, I fear that bacon and bread will be my fare for the next two weeks — Yesterday at about two P.M. a portion of Col. Loring's command passed through our camp on its way to the depot, and I had the pleasure of meeting an old friend and class- mate, Lieut. Smeed,47 of the Artillery who is in charge of a detachment of the same corps, from Fort Stanton — N. Mexico. Col Miles sent by this opportunity, a special message, to Lieuts Whipple and Steen to join us immediately. Although the message was sent, they have not yet joined us ; and I am still alone in my mess, subsisting upon coffee, bread and fried bacon, expecting every day to have an attack of the scurvy. We have marched about twenty two miles to-day and I am very tired, and feel little like sitting up to write this rec- ord of nonsense : had I not commenced I believe it would be 47. John Radcliff Smead, graduate of the United States Military Academy. Com- missioned 2nd Lt., 2nd Artillery, July 1, 1854. Advanced to 1st Lt., March 8, 1857. Killed at the battle of Bull Run, August 30, 1862. Abner Smead, graduate of the United States Military Academy ; Bvt. 2nd Lt., 4th Artillery. July 1, 1854. 2nd Lt., 1st Artillery, November 4, 1854. He served in the Confederate army during the Civil War. The "Smeed" referred to by Lazelle was probably Abner Smead because companies P and I, 1st Artillery, were stationed in West Texas in 1856. Secretary of War, op. eft., pp. 52ff. PURITAN AND APACHE 31 as well. For who will ever feel any interest in its, stupid, egotistical pages, but myself? and I very little, should I ever peruse them again: — I can say and feel with Goethe,48 "Happy is he who early discovers the gulf that lies between his aspirations and his powers." Some too, in reading, might form the opinion, that "With his every word, a reputation dies,"49 so personal and uncharit- able, have I been. But I will be more generous — (Though hear what follows.) I must if, however, I continue as a scribe, note down what has been to me one of the most painful acts of my life. This was the placing in arrest, by Colonel Miles order, of Lieut Edson. This, for being drunk, while "Officer of the Day," and so publicly did he exhibit it that Col. Miles noticed his condition at a distance of a hundred yards — The aggra- vated nature of the offence and the fact, that this is one of a number of times that he has been found intoxicated, while actualy on duty, during the scout, will, I should but think, be quite sufficient to dismiss him. I most sincerely hope not, for he is a noble fellow, and I will do all in my power to save him. May God forbid, that I should ever again drink to excess ! Thank Heaven for the influence, of one dear, true, and esteemed friend, the dearest on earth, who has thus far restrained and saved me. Never have I, before yesterday, felt so powerfully the strength of my promise, and the power of temptation, as when urged by Smeed to join him in a social drink. The day was warm, I was tired, dusty, and thirsty : the mixture was cool and stimulating. I had not seen a boon companion with whom I had had many a night's frolic, when a Cadet, for years. What temptation could be stronger? But I cared for another, and for my promise, more than 48. I cannot locate this quotation. 49. "Hither the Heroes and the Nymphs resort, To taste awhile the pleasures of a court ; In various talk th' instructive hours they past, Who gave the ball, or paid the visit last ; One speaks the glory of the British Queen, And one describes a charming Indian screen ; A third interprets motions, looks, and eyes ; At every word a reputation dies." Alexander Pope, The Rape of The Lock, canto III, line 9. 32 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW all this, and I felt in my reply, that I had sufficient force left, of moral courage, to refuse for life. But it is late, and I will, with Mr. Macawber,50 wait until tomorrow for "something to turn up" before I write more — Saturday May the 23rd It has come, as most looked for, and definite periods of time, will, not differing in that respect, from the 'Ides of March/ materialy — This day however, though not quite as fatal to me as that to Ceasar [Caesar] yet, it has been fruitless in the accomplishment of any object. I speak of course, with ref- erence to the Expedition, for at present, I have devoted my whole mind to it. (?) I think that we slightly resemble, the king of France, who with twice ten thousand men, marched up a hill, and then — marched down again This is the end of the 3rd day, and as yet no one has the remotest idea of the position or locality of "Old Bonne's" Sheep trail, of which "some say" that we are in quest. We have, today, traveled sixteen miles from the "San Jacinto springs,"518 our last place of encampment, to The Copper Mines, so termed. The country passed through has indeed, been beautiful. It is included between the San Jacinto Moun- tains, and the great Mogillon [Mogollon] range consisting of a space of open land, or rather tract of country, of about twenty five miles in width and seventy five long of a surface, generally undulating ; gently rising into hills, and sometimes almost mountains, then almost imperceptibly, sinking into valleys, which are in their turn so extended, as to appear, while the eye ranges over them, like broad grassy plains, 50. ". . . Mr. Micawber is a man of great talent, Master Copperfield." * » * "Of great talent," repeated Mrs. Micawber. "My family are of opinion that, with a little interest, something might be done for a man of his ability in the Custom House. The influence of my family being local, it is their wish that Mr. Micawber should go down to Plymouth. They think it indispensable that he should be upon the spot." "That he may be ready?" I suggested. "Exactly," returned Mrs. Micawber. "That he may be ready, in case of anything turning up." Charles Dickens, David Copperfield, p. 179f (New Century Library). 51a. The San Jacinto spring is probably the well-known San Vicente spring where present-day Silver City is located. PURITAN AND APACHE 33 green and inviting. Clear lovely streams, of cold and pure, mountain water, dance merrily along, following the wind- ings and turning of wooded glades, which are filled with an abundance of game inviting the hunter to the sport; while the air is swelling with sounds of animal life of many varieties of the feathered world. It is indeed a fitting home for the Indian, and seems cre- ated for his special necessities, — could we imagine such an event probable: — the most luxuriant growth of the forests of mountain cypress, pines, live oak, walnut and birch trees, furnishes his shelter, and concealment from his enemies, as well as a home for this abundance of game which would sup- ply him with food. A view of such a scene, is really refreshing, and recalled to my mind many ascociations of pleasant and delightful days, in old New England's hills, and beside the still waters of her green pastures — I have said that we were now encamped at the "Copper Mines." A few hours since I returned from a visit to all of its principle shafts, which were sunk here years ago by a company of miners, but have now, long been abandoned, on account of the troubles experienced from Indians. I made also, a thorough examination of the furnaces, and what remains of the houses and Soldier's quarters,51 all of which seem to have been long ago abandoned and are now rapidly going to decay — Were these mines in the "States," it is evident from the rich- ness and abundance of the ore which is everywhere visible on the surface, that from them, an inexhaustible supply of copper and iron might be produced, which would be sufficient for the civilized world. I found many and very rich speci- mens of native copper, sulpherets of copper and iron, spathic, and brown iron ores, "cinnabar" or sulpheret of mercury, black lead, and sulpherets of silver; while the black sand which in California, is so productive of gold, fills the beds of all the streams and ravines. And indeed the whole mass of 51. For a description of the Copper Mines as Lazelle saw them, read John Rus- sell Bartlett, Personal Narrative. . . , I, 227ff. The history of this famous mine is told in John M. Sully, "The Story of the Santa Rita Copper Mine," Old Santa Fe, III, 133-149 (1916). 34 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW these immense mountains, seem to be nothing but super- incumbent, and superposed layers of sulphate of copper, cov- ered by a thin crust of alluvium, which supports a thrifty vegetation of trees and shrubbery, while all serve to conceal the rich masses of mineral wealth beneath — In spite of this, however, the rich veins frequently "crop out," and almost make one wish that he had a pick and shovel — (with somebody else to use them) the whole time — The buildings seem to have been arranged for mutual military defence, but with the single exception of one large triangular one of very thick adobe walls, and sides, with bastion angles, of about one hundred and fifty feet in length, are now entirely in ruins. After fulfilling my intention of planting a pecan nut, in a favourable place, (as I had formerly done on the Gila river : — in the Mogillon mountains, and at Lake Gosman,52) some sent me from Fort Bliss, by "some bodie," and gather- ing some very lovely, and to me new varieties of flowers, I returned to Camp, much fatigued, but somewhat wiser. possibly. Sunday May 24th This has always been one of my unlucky days, but I trust that this, perchance is an exception : and thus far it has been ; still, something may yet "turn up" to annoy and trouble me. "But sufficient for the day is the evil thereof."53 The weather has been beautiful, and our march has been through an interesting and lovely country, if possible, more charming than that of yesterday. Our Camp, is, at present, on the "Membres" river, about fifteen miles above what was formerly old Fort Webster,54 and a little more than that dis- tance, from what was formerly our old depot : our camp of yesterday is twenty miles distant. Nothing of interest has occured to day, if I except the 52. Probably Lake Guzman in Mexico, on the road to Janos. The journal does not indicate that the expedition reached that far south, but Lazelle could have taken a side trip to the Lake. 63. Take therefore no thought for the morrow: for the morrow shall take thought for the things of itself. Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof. Matthew 6 :34. 54. "Fort Webster was situated about eight miles east-northeast of the Santa Rita Copper Mines. ... It was abandoned in 1853, and the troops removed to Fort Thorn." Bender, op. eft., p. 267. c Library PURITAN AND APACHE saS < 35 item, that the arrest of Lieut. Edson was to day 'extended' to the usual limits of Camp : poor d — 1 when first arrested he was literally confined to the limits of his blankets ! while in camp, for he had no tent. I have at last been able to reduce this semibarbarous mode of life, to something of a system at least with myself : and from my having succeeded so well in this, I am compelled to believe that all things, in the moral, physical and intellectual, as well as the material world, may be placed in orders, classified and systematized. My daily life is this — I rise at an early hour, attend "reveille," — eat a bad breakfast of bacon, bread and coffee, and then march for the day — On arriving into camp, I first seek a bath, if possible : — then I have a dinner, quite as des- titute of complication or display, as breakfast — Viz. bacon, bread, with sometimes, when I can get it, a dish of antiscor- butics, in the shape of a green plant which goes by the refreshing name of "Lamb's quarter." After eating, of course I am compelled to sleep, even if we are on the moment of serious events. I read daily twenty pages : then follows "Guard mount- ing," which I, as Adjutant have to attend, and afterwards, — if we are so fortunate, as to arrive in camp, from our march of the day, in season for such a civilized luxury — Supper, which, when it occurs, is a modification of the other two daily meals: — coffee; — then this delightful journal; — then my cold bed, for the nights are very severe. I am very illy pro- vided with provisions : both they, and my cooking utensils, being with Lieut. Steen, who has I fear, shared the same fate as the Sheep trail, for which we have been looking, as neither of them have been recently heard of. To day, I was told by my cook, upon asking him if he could get nothing for dinner but fried bacon, "If the Lieut, wishes I will boil him some!" This is indeed, my variety, and upon receiving this answer, I immediately "subsided," but I could not but think of the famous fable of the rice and mustard. Mem. P. S. etc. — The 'Membres' is a delightful stream, of the purest water, and its sands in the bottom sparkle bril- 36 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW liantly from the great quantity of sulpheret of copper, which the poor soldiers take for gold. "Good night" (Lazelle), "and pleasant dreams" to you — Monday May 25th I am heartily sick of this cursed cavalry company, of Edsons, and the command of it, is, to me, not only annoying, but exceedingly embarrassing : and more especially should it be so, when the delicacy of my position in it is considered. He as the legitimate commander, being compelled to march in rear of it, without a word of authority, while I, much his junior in rank, and belonging to another and totally different arm of the service, give orders to it and for its gov- ernment in his immediate presence, and which he, himself is obliged to obey. I would not have the continuous command of a regiment under such circumstances. Beside all this, it doubles my daily duties, which are, already, quite enough to say nothing of the continuous, 'side scouting,' so to term it, which is at present the peculiar duty of cavalry. Heaven only knows how long it is to continue — Perhaps during the Scout — I have indeed quite a novel occurence to relate, as having occured to relieve the monotony of our long march of twenty two miles to-day. My detachment of cav- alry, or, rather that of Edson's which I command, composed the rearguard : and after riding very complacently and com- fortably along, for about one and a half hours, I saw coming at a full gallop, towards me from the head of the column (as James says,) "a solitary horseman." I thought to myself that he rode "like unto Jehu the son of Nimshi : for he rode furiously."55 When near enough to be heard he yelled out almost frantically, "The Indians are right ahead of the column Sir!" This was indeed thrilling news, and threw my naturally excitable nerves into such a state of commotion, that I might fairly assert that my brains soon began to boil. 65. And the watchman told, saying, He came even unto them, and cometh not again : and the driving is like the driving of Jehu the son of Nim-shi ; for he driveth furiously. II Kings 9:20 PURITAN AND APACHE 37 But before they were completely cooked, I sent back a non-commissioned officer and a few men to bring up a dis- abled mule lagging behind, I closed the company up upon the others, at a hard gallop, and pushing on the pack train in this manner to the rearmost Infantry Company, — I wiped from my brow the drops of horrible perspiration, and draw- ing my sabre, prepared to shed (for my country?) a few drops of maiden blood — I tried to be cool, and perhaps outwardly was so. At least so I thought; I "formed twos" with the company, and cursed the men for not doing it properly to satisfy myself that I was deliberate ; but as it was on the approach of my first battle (as I supposed) it was vanity, and in fact, "no go." I had so fixed the belief in my mind, that should the Indians permit themselves to be seen, it would be in large numbers, and prepared to dispute our progress, that I was now satisfied of our proximity to a severe fight. All was excitement and confusion, so far as I could see, up the column; — skirmishers out: — the commander gallop- ing about and bawling for a bugler ; — men running ; — and "Greasers" shouting in Spanish to the d — ed mules which I had to stay with, and protect. Directly all was hushed. As silent as the grave at the head of the column, and this quiet feeling of mortifying disgust, gradually extended down through it to myself : as each in succession learned, that the cause of our alarm was a party of friendly "Navajos," belonging to Colonel Loring's advance guard. And still worse than this. — This small band of fifteen Indians, had, in company with a few of the Guides of his col- umn, on the day previous, met and defeated, the whole party of the famous Sheep thieves, which "old Bonneville" had in his wisdom, sent two columns of eight hundred men against ! All of the party with two exceptions were either killed or taken prisoners, we were told, and Col. Loring had, they said, gotten nearly all of the Sheep — about four hundred. I went into their Camp, and remained as long as the short halt and slow marching of the rear guard would allow and at the same time permit me to overtake it. I found them 38 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW as all Indians are, "Hiawatha" not excepted, dirty, lazy and disgusting, and when seen as they really are, utterly divested of any romance in their character — I will not mention that the country has been beautifully monotonous to-day; (that traveled over) that we are encamped in a canon, the position of which is utterly unknown to our intelligent guides ; and that we are still in quest of the other half of the Sheep trail, which Col. Loring's Column is not supposed to have found. Tuesday May 26th We continued our march this morning up the unknown canon, upon a broad path, or trail, which has been much used by Indians : after pursuing it for two hours we discovered that it divided, one portion leading to the right and the other to the left, of our direction. These paths seemed the horns of a dilemna : but like a true philosopher, when two evils are pre- sented for his choice, our brilliant commander took neither of the aforesaid horns, notwithstanding that one of them, was that over which, a portion of the Sheep seemed to have been driven but about one week previously — : and that on it an Indian camp (abandoned) was discovered. However I suppose that he thought, that one bird in the bush, was worth two in the hand, when he came to this conclusion. So we followed up the Canon along a pretty Stream of water which flowed in our direction, and which we were obliged to continually cross, and recross in order to advance at all. At last, at a distance of about four miles from the diverting paths, we came to a dead stop, as it was impossible, to travel further. In advancing through the canon, we had observed it narrowing, and the sides becoming more abrupt, and precipi- tious, until at this point they completely enclosed us, leaving barely room for the little stream to crowd its way through the rocky walls which rose to a great height. While the Guides groped along, to ascertain the nature of the pass, if such existed, I ascended one of the very high moun- tains near us, which gave a view of a wide range of country ; and a bleak prospect it was, indeed. As far as the limit of Library sas Gity, PURITAN AND APACHE 39 vision, arose one continuous succession, of apparantly impas- sible mountains, with bare, blackened, and smoking sides; while the canon of the little stream beneath me pursued its tortuous way for miles between them, an almost endless chasm. No grass was anywhere visible, with the exception of occas- ional spots of it where it appeared upon the mountain tops, which had not been reached by this universal fire. I saw the lazy guides far below me, sitting upon the rocks, by the water's edge, concealed from the view of all else, and staring vacantly around. I watched them for some time and with interest, carefully concealing myself from their view. There they sat, indifferent to everything, seemingly bent upon con- suming a proper portion of time, and then returning to report, upon the feasability of the pass. I completed my examination of the country, and got down the mountain just in season to hear them report to Colonel Miles that the pass was very practicable ! They made this statement as a random guess, for not one of the rascals had examined the ravine for more than a quarter of a mile, and they were all totally ignorant of the country. After listening with the most commendable patience until they were all through, I told them that they were a "nucleus of liars" ; and then informed our Buonaparte of their proceedings. He immediately "countermarched" and after traveling about two miles he despatched me with six men, to find, if possible, a camp, with water and grass : a matter of no small difficulty, as the country has within a week been completely burned over with the exception of some obscure spots, and many parts of it are still smoking. As it happened, I had, this morning while the column was in motion, left it, and the canon in which we were wandering, to pursue a narrow ravine, leading off at right angles to our direction, and had in a half hour's gallop stumbled upon a fine plat of unburned ground, high up in the mountains, where they had extended into a sort of table land. To this point I pushed forward and was fortunate enough to dis- cover near it a small but clear stream, of pure water. I immediately sent back word to this effect, and in a few hours 40 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW had the satisfaction of seeing our whole column, in a com- fortable camp, and all, seemingly contented and enjoying themselves. I was rewarded by "some body," who named the stream "Lazelle's Creek," of which fact, I trust that poster- ity, and future historians will please make a note56 — We have been about twelve miles to-day. May 27th We started this morning at an early hour, little dreaming of the terrible journey before us. The commanding officer had resolved, rather than retrace his steps farther, to pursue the "Sheep Trail" from its point of division mentioned yesterday, to its termination, if necessary, let it lead where it would, even at the risk of the animals perishing. And the only thing to be regreted, is, that he has not done this before. The morning was a fine one and the whole com- mand was in excellent spirits: some of the men too much so ; as at every short halt, caused by a search for the trail, as it became obscure, under the smoking and blackened wood, they could be heard deridingly imitating the bleating of Sheep ; and one of them was seen to draw his butcher knife and sing out "Bring on your mutton !" Of course this was soon stopped and we ploded along more quietly — This attempt at discipline was however quite unnecessary, as the steep rocks, high rugged mountains, and deep, rough, and narrow canons, over and through which, our route lay, soon took from us all thought except of the fatigue. The heat soon became intense and the air as still, and deadly oppres- sive as that of a burning desert. Although we frequently crossed valleys, and gorges of such profound depth, that it seemed even the vertical rays of a noon-day's sun could scarcely penetrate them, yet our general course, during the first part of the day was — (that tradition, and his political opponents, say, that General Pierce gave the small infant,) a-scent.57 56. I'm afraid that future historians failed to "make a note." 67. Probably a reference ,to Franklin Pierce who served as a Brigadier General under Scott in the War with Mexico and later became President of the United States. PURITAN AND APACHE 41 The great altitude and the reflection of heat from the barren rocks, soon affected my eyes to such a degree that I found it almost impossible to keep them open and the suffer- ing from them, was only partially relieved for the day by one of the officers having forced upon me a pair of eye shades which he took from his own eyes and obliged me to use. Our slow and painful progress continued, sometimes upon what seemed to be faint traces of a quite old Indian trail, and at other times this was entirely lost sight of, and we clambered as best we could up the continuous ascent over rocks, rubbish, and trunks of half burnt trees, and blackened heaps of cinders, which nearly suffocated with their dust — Sometimes passing for miles over and between immense masses of huge boulders, which had detached themselves from the heights, and now, feebly lay, attempting, appar- antly, like the mountains above us, to debar our further progress. And in following the sinuous, serpentine course we frequently ascended and descended the sides of moun- tains by steep, zig-zag paths, so narrow, and upon such treacherous soil that it seemed but bravado, to follow them. Late in the afternoon, after climbing a very high mountain, we saw from its summit, a broad plain spread before us, a portion of which had not been burned. It was certainly a very gratifying sight, as we felt that our days march was drawing to a close. After arriving within a few miles of it our guides said that they recognized the country, and that over the next mountain, in the valley beyond, we should find water, and probably grass which was not burned. I could not say that I was sorry, at this piece of news, as I had no canteen, had neglected to fill my "boata" [bote, a jar] with water in the morning, and had had none during the day, except a little from the rocks which I was fortunate enough to discover. At about 6V2 P.M. we finally came to a deep canon con- taining fine water and grass, after having been on the march eleven hours, and traveled at least twenty six miles over such a country as I never wish to see again, either for the sake of romance, or curiosity, as I dislike to think Nature so uncomely, and improvident. Now as I am too much fatigued 42 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW to write this journal "to-night," I shall put it off until "to- morrow" which is, Thursday, and May 28th Upon an examination of our animals after arriving in Camp last night, we found that it would be impossible to proceed to-day. Many of the mules' backs are almost literally skined, and in some few places stripped of their flesh, while others, have immense bleeding bruises and raw places upon their sides, three, four, and five inches in diameter. But few of them are sound, and able to go on : our horses are completely jaded out, and one extra horse of mine, I this morning ascer- tained, was left behind yesterday, as he became exhausted, and unable to go on. And the stupid fellow whom I had allowed to ride him, left with him a fine saddle, bridle, etc. We ourselves are, some of us in sad plights, with great fatigue, bad food and terribly sun burnt faces: — to say nothing of the fact that we have, all of us, abandoned even hope itself, as regards present prospects of success. After a careful inspection of my face in a glass, two, by one and a half inches, this morning, I came to the conclusion that my appearance was not so "gross" as I have been con- sidered by Mrs L 58 The nights continue cold and uncomfortable it being impossible for me to be warm in any way that I can arrange my scanty bedding: water freezes every night to the depth of more than a fourth of an inch. I have amused myself to-day by reading, hunting, and in the difficult matter of endeavoring to ascertain from our guides, something relative to our position. — They "reccon" (but "quien sabe") that we are in the Mogillon Mountains. To the South of us, and distant about fifteen miles, is the South Eastern portion of the "San Jacinto" mountains. To the North West, and running, South East, East, and South, distant about ten miles to the nearest point, is the great ridge, or comb, of the Mogillon Mountains, about, eight miles broad, and one hundred and twenty long. A portion of high spurs of mountains running from this, was 58. See notes 1 and 44. Public Library PURITAN AND APACHE -sas City, crossed by us yesterday, and to-day we have been encamped in a narrow gorge to the South East of them Our guides to day, while exploring the country, found a "fresh trail" of fifteen Indians leading in the direction of the "Chikicouwa" [Chiricahua] Mountains,59 and I suppose that a detachment will be sent to pursue it at least as far as the "San Jacinto" Mountains about forty miles. I wish I could go, for I am sick of this "Mutton track." However we will "Boast not of the morrow," for we have all seen that "Sufficient for the day, is the evil thereof." May 29th At 6!/2 we were on the march, all following the monotonous sheep track — After traveling a few miles, we came to a point where Col. Loring's Column first struck the trail ; we having thus followed it, from the place of his fight, to the point where his pursuit commenced. But not over the same route however. From this we concluded that the route taken by us on Wednesday, was the trail first made by the Sheep, when the Indians crossed the mountains with them above Fort Craig; that their intention was, to take them to the "Burro" Mountains, but finding this route a dangerous one to their own welfare, when they arrived in the vicinity of the "Depot," they turned and sought safety by recrossing the "Mogillon" Mountains, to the "Membres" river, near which, a large portion of the party, were overtaken and stripped of their plunder as before stated. Upon arriving at this point of the trail, this morning, a cav- alry company was despatched to follow it, and ascertain if this great "Sheep trail" divided: if not, we concluded that Col. Loring had overtaken and recovered them all : if it did, divide, it was our intention to follow that portion of it which he had not. And until the return of this company thus des- patched, we encamped at the first water which we found, a small spring, a few miles from the San "Jacinto" river. At 3 P.M., this detachment returned, with the information, that the 'Stock' had not been seperated by the Indians in 59. Chiricahua mountains are located in southeastern Arizona, ranging from north to south, slightly east of south. 44 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW their flight, so I presume that we will soon start for the Depot on the Gila river, which it is conjectured, is about twenty five miles distant. If we do, with the grace of Heaven, I will not write the words, "Sheep," or "Mutton," again in this journal : — for should it be read by another, I fancy that they would think me a little deranged upon the subject. While hunting this morning, in crossing a canon, about two miles from camp, I killed a large rattle snake, nearly five feet long, which I had been near stepping on before observ- ing it. The day has been very hot, and oppressive and the little 'boundless contiguity of shade,' here affords but little protection from the sun's scorching rays — Saturday May 30th Passing down this beautiful stream at so early an hour this morning, that had we any ordinary climate, such as we have generally seen given to man for his purposes, dew would have been upon the grass, we entered a narrow gorge, or canon, in the centre of which ran the brook. Here for a dis- tance of four or five miles, was the most enchanting sight that I have ever beheld: it indeed beggars all description from a fancy and pen like mine. It was one of Nature's most exclusive views, of wondrous beauty, of which she is so jealously frugal. Occasionally, they are seen in the wildest and most lavish landscapes: but perhaps more frequently upon the resistless moving element of the great ocean "When grandeur, strength and beauty, are combined ; "Where sublimest powers of mighty, boundless creation, have together rolled "In their huge strength, such aweful works, as now transfix the soul!"60 On either side, there rose to a dizzy height of several hundred feet, huge walls of solid sandstone, which by the frequent and terrible rains, had been washed into the most fantastic forms conceivable: — sometimes were seen, vast detached portions, standing far out from all else, which 60. These lines may be an original composition by Lazelle. I cannot identify them otherwise. Public Library PURITAN AND APACHE 'r;ansas City/4Mo. under the influence of frost and water, had been again split, and broken into spires, or solid masses, resembling the ruins of ancient temples of mysterious age, which only wanted the mythical "ivy green," entwining around their crumbling columns, to complete a picture, not drawn from fancy, of monuments of bygone splendor, and to associate them with all that is wonderful of Egyptian greatness, or mournful of Rome's departed beauty. Other parts again, seemed to have assembled themselves into the most grotesque groups of gigantic statuary. Some of these figures were elegant and graceful girls, and youths ; others bold warriors and decrepid old men: while occasionally could be seen the hideous and mocking forms, of demons and imps who seemed to grin horribly at the living, thus passing through their silent tombs. Every thing seemed to want but the element Life, to rescue from eternal oblivion a long forgotten city. The valley which in some places was several miles in width, was filled with the most luxuriant vegetation which rivalled the magnificient lavishness of Eastern gardens, or the wild and gorgeous beauty of Brazillian forests. The whole scene is beyond my description and almost without a comparison. Upon ascending, by a narrow winding path, a hill, which completely overlooked the valley, there was presented a pic- ture of most enchanting loveliness : the whole like what one might imagine to be resurrection of some splendid capital of long gone centuries with its ruined temples, its massive domes, its towering columns and spires, and its vast amphi- theatres, all mouldering vestiges of a luxurious era — x But why should I be dull, just because the weather is? So passing over this I will only speak, of the remainder of our uninteresting route to the Depot, over burning plains and tedious hills and mountains. Upon arriv- ing at about one P.M. in sight of the Gila river, we followed its sinuosities in its tortuous coarse down, and finaly encamped, within two miles of the fatherly protection of the master spirit of our movements, who about this hour was wrapped in a blanket and comfortably asleep, as was proven by a visit paid immediately to the Depot by Colonel Miles, the Doctor, and myself. 46 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW I was soon sent back to Camp by him, with instructions to have it broken up and removed to our old camping spot "Camp Union," which is across the river, and about a mile below the Depot. It was almost night ere this was accom- plished. But for my labour of to-day, I have in pleasant anticipation, the prospect of sound slumbers, and an undis- turbed "moral element — " Sunday May 31st Visited the Depot to-day and called upon the officers gener- ally:— found them not differing materially from human nature, and the human species. In a short time after my arrival the advanced guard of Colonel Loring came in, and finally the whole of his column, bringing with them, about four hundred of the recovered sheep, and nine Indian prison- ers, all women and children who did differ from any thing human that I had ever before seen. There were five women, and four children. The oldest of the women was about seventy, and the most hideous, deformed, and wretchedly filthy object, that Nature could exhibit. The next in age, was the former wife, or squaw, of "Chucaro Negra,"61 who was one of the most noted and desperate of the Apache chiefs, and who was killed in the fight when the sheep were captured. The other three women were ugly, course, filthy and fat. The children were, with one exception, of the same type : this was a very pretty boy, of about five years of age, with an intelligent face, and bright sparkling eyes, who interested me so much, that I should like to get him, and as "Miss Betsy Trotwood,"62 did to little "Davy" "wash him," and bring him with me to the "States" as a servant. 61. Cuchillo Negra was killed in the fight with the northern column under Col. Loring in the canon de los Muertos Carneros. Ogle, op. eft., p. 346. Ogle gives the date of July for the battle which does not agree with other accounts. See introduction, note 10. 62. "What shall you do with him," said Mr. Dick feebly, scratching his head. "Oh ! do with him ?" "Yes," said my aunt, with a grave look, and her forefinger held up. "Come! I want some very sound advice." "Why, if I was you," said Mr. Dick, considering, and looking vacantly at me, "I shoul-" The contemplation of me seemed to inspire him with a sudden idea, and he added briskly, "I should wash him." Charles Dickens, David Copperfield, p. 203 (New Century Library) PURITAN AND APACHE 47 It is now quite evident, that, had it not been for the Indians, who, were attached to the command of Colonel Loring, and who were scattered far ahead of his column, about twenty five miles, the sheep would not have [been] captured — These Indians, upon having spied out the thieves in a canon, as they were quietly enjoying themselves, silently left them, and returned with the information to Colonel Loring, who immediately sent on with them, his Company of "Guides and Spies." (who are an enlisted band of Mexicans, and des- perate Americans) These fellows, eager for the fight and still more desirous of the plunder, pushed on so rapidly as to have jaded their horses completely out, by the time that they had reached the Indian camp: in consequence of this, eight of the party were able to escape, taking with them about three hundred sheep. Nearly that number were picked up on their trail, by the troops who pursued, which had straggled out, and all of them that could be killed by the Indians in their flight had been. Thus is our most valliant commander partially satis- fied. But I fear that his blood thirsty soul will never be quite contented, until he feasts his greedy eyes upon the scalps of all beings, who are unfortunate enough to have in their veins Indian blood. Oh ! what an ambitious and ter- rible man ! June 1st Lieutenants Whipple and Steen have not yet arrived. They have been absent in the "Moguillon Mountains" nearly thirteen days. Capt Ewell,63 with his three Companies of Dragoons, has not as yet come in to the Depot, and has not been heard from. His arrival is quite problematical, as it was optional with him whether to come in here or not. Major Sheppard will, it is said, temporarily relieve Lieut. Davis, who is on duty with the permanent party at the 63. Richard Stoddert Ewell, born in Virginia, graduate of the United States Mili- tary Academy, commissioned Bvt. 2nd Lt., 1 Dragoons, July, 1840. He served in the War with Mexico, received the rank of Captain on August 4, 1849, and was a Lt. Gen- eral in the Confederate army. He died January 25, 1872. Ewell received special mention for significant service in the fight with the Apaches which took place during this campaign. Secretary of War, op. tit., p. 56. 48 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW Depot, for him to take the recovered sheep in to Fort Thorn, whence he will return here. It is now the general opinion that there is to be at this point a permanent Post, and it is by many of the officers, considered desirable to be stationed here — May the fates not disappoint them, to favour me, say I ! Tuesday, June 2nd I remained in Camp all day yesterday, lazily lolling about, like a gorged anaconda; occasionally stupidly musing "On the beauties of June," Which, Heaven knows, are "very scarce, and hard to get" here. But to day, I have been quite busy; — preparing official reports, "Field Returns," and mail matter — Besides, we moved Camp to-day, to a point one mile below, on the river. And the bother of packing and unpacking, with other accessary tro[u]bles usual in such removals, have really made me feel quite active. The present orders are, for our Column to remain here in the vicinity of the Depot, until the 10th Inst. when all of the troops, start with thirty days rations per man, for the "Coyotero" country,64 which is supposed to be about one hundred and fifty miles distant. After that we shall, most probably, make a finishing scout of the "Chiricowa Mountains," on our way to Fort Thorn home. At least, this is the general supposition. Every person is tired of it. For it has ceased to be a novelty. Among others, our worthy friend and chieftain, Bonneville, begins to betray signs of weariness and disgust. He is intensely disappointed that the Indians have left this section of the country; (which they have evidently done as far as the "Rio Grande.") and that "Mangus Colorado," the head chief of the Apache tribe, has sued for peace, through the Indian agent at Fort Thorn, as he says, that he cannot fight. He has also been informed by our Indian prisoners, that this chieftain, with his own, and the other principle bands of the Apache Nation, are at a Mexican town called 64. For a description of the Coyotero, who lived west of the Gila river, see Ogle, op. eft. , PURITAN AND APACHE 49 "Hanes," which is situated just over the boundary line, in Mexican territory. There they are receiving support and shelter, he is informed, from the Mexican population. All this, is certainly well calculated to discourage, dishearten, and to destroy the ambition of a feeble minded old man, who has staked his present, and his hope of a future reputation upon the success of this Expedition. On the return of Lieutenants Whipple and Steen, with their commands recruited, by the 10th Inst : — both columns, — Col's Loring's, and Mile's, will, with Col. Bonneville at the head, start for the Coyotero Country ! Hurrah ! for that is the order. — We have now a chance of success. Wednesday — June 3rd — Thursday, Friday and Saturday, June the 6th, and if for the last few days I have not been outstripping the "seven sleepers"65 it is still 1857. If any thing, can, more than another, intensify, and render still more disagreeably un- pleasant, the affairs and ascociations of this expedition, it is lieing idle and unoccupied in Camp, as we have done for the past week, and are likely to do for some days, yet. It is unnecessarily prolonging a season of labour, to an unusual and useless length. And that too, to be passed in irritating and chaffing inactivity. The cause of our detention here at this time is this. By a most culpable but characteristic over- sight, Col. Bonneville has neglected to place at the Depot, or, to make any provision for having them placed there, either pack mules for transportation, or horses, for the cavalry. As the former, are our only means of conveying our transportation, the consequence is, that at the end of every scout which is made, although it may not be for a longer time than fifteen days, the troops are obliged to remain inactive, for perhaps nearly an equal period, for injured, or partially unservicable animals to recruit. And as almost 65. "In early Christian legend, seven noble youths of Ephesus, in the time of the Decian persecution, who, having fled to a cavern and being pursued and walled in, fell into a sleep from which they were not awakened until after nearly 200 years in the reign of the Emperor Theodosius II (A. D. 408-450). A similar story is told in the Koran, the dog Al Rakin being said to have guarded the sleepers." Webster's New International Dictionary, 2nd ed., unabridged. The legend is discussed at length in Edward Gibbon, History of Rome, V, 359ff ( New York, Fred de Fau & Company, 1907 ) . 50 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW all of them become more or less so, even in a scout of that length, of course all operations are temporarily suspended. The various companies of Cavalry, have become crippled, and almost useless, (except as Infantry) by having lost and injured, by long marches, many of their horses. In one company alone, of Col. Loring's Column, no less than six gave out, and were obliged to be shot, in a single days march, while the troops were in the mountains. As in these pages, I have said much to the prejudice of Col. Bonnevill, it may not be irrelevant, that I should state some of my causes of complaint. But I do this critically and without personal feeling. It is true I am questioning the actions of an officer much my superior in rank, but let it be remembered, that while all may correctly criticize, but few could properly execute. In a campaign of this nature, if one has had the hardi- hood to risk their reputation upon planning and successfully executing it ; there are three important points to be gained, and which must never be lost sight of, for one instant, viz. Despatch in organization and arrangements. — Secresy. — And Celerity of movement — And the questions How, and by what means should these ends be attained, so as best to gain the greatest success, are collateral considerations, a proper attention to which, with the necessary force of armament cannot cause a failure, even should it not secure the complete attainment of the object sought. Proceeding first to secresy — So inflated did this man seem with the idea of this expedition, while Department Commander, which may or may not have originated with his fancy, that like the frog in the fable,66 he soon burst from the overcharge, scattering the brilliant conception over the territory in the shape of a proclamation, beginning with the celebrated words, in worthy imitation, to a certain degree, of a nobler document. "It becomes necessary to chastise the Indians." Thus heralding the intended cam- paign months before it commenced. It became notorious; 66. The frog in the fable in describing: the huge size of the ox that had trampled on them, concluded : " 'Indeed, mother, but it was ; and if you were to burst yourself, you would never reach half its size.' Provoked at such a disparagement of her powers, the old Frog made one more trial, and burst herself indeed." Aesop's Fables, no. 29. PURITAN AND APACHE 51 was the common talk of the common people, and even in the mouths of "babes and sucklings." The various tribes of Indians against whom it stated that the expedition was to be directed, were perfectly informed of it, and the results of our marches over their country has fully demonstrated, that they took such advantage of it as Nature, and an inti- mate knowledge of their mountain homes seemed to dictate, as fully bear witness the whole country blackened by fire and deserted by whole tribes, leaving but a few light-footed warriors to provide for their decrepid old men and women, in their almost inaccessable mountains. The great length of time, a period of several months, elapsing between the publication, of this public opportunity of escape, thus afforded the tribes against whom the enter- prise was directed, and the beginning of its execution, betrays a want of Despatch, which must be greatly culpable. All of the operations in concentrating troops and supplies, but more particularly the latter, were slow, cumbrous and bungling. And this military chief seemed to lose sight en- tirely of future movements of troops, in the indulgence of a gastronomical propensity to collect an immense abundance of provisions. This was excessive. And months were occu- pied in concentrating at the Gila river Depot, long before they were needed, the most enormous supplies of stores en- tirely to the exclusion of pack-animals, for their transporta- tion, for the troops who were to go into the field. And, for this same reason too, the want of animals for transportation, was a great failure made by neglecting entirely, attention to the rapidity of movements of troops, which is so import- ant an element of success in field service, of this nature, where operations are those of pursuit. Our cavalry was, at times completely broken up by the losses of animals which it sustained. And there were none to replace them. Small parties of Indians, (and they are never large) well mounted as they were, could not be pursued successfully for this reason. In fact we were reduced by two weeks active, and actual service, to a poor pitiful set, of straggling wretches, ineffective and useless, unless the Indians had attemped to attack us, which of course was not very probable. And 52 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW even after such a period of fifteen days labour, our return to active operations was a question of time, depending entirely upon the state of health of our pack-animals, the condition of their backs etc., as there were none to replace, the unserviceable animals. Thus as we were tr[a]iling over a portion of country, by tedious marches and slowly moving columns, the Indians (if there were any,) stepped aside, allowed us to pass quietly and then did as they pleased, as before. It must be that in scouting over a country of the nature of this, possessing so many facilities for the security of the Indian, and presenting so many natural obstacles to its examination by his enemies, that delays of the duration of ours either for recruiting, or other purposes would be necessarily destructive. It is like bailing a sinking ship without stopping its leaks. With Goethe we may say, "Happy is he, who early discovers the gulf that lies between his aspirations, and his powers." It is true that the expedi- tion has been partially successful. — A number of stolen Sheep have been recovered, and possibly a moral effect has been created: but more probable that contempt, has, ere this, taken its place in the minds of Indians. Our chieftain (?) is now at a full stop, but his pause is the blindness of ignorance, and not the quiet deliberation of wisdom. And if eventually, we are successful in this new terri- tory where our coming has not been heralded, it will be the success of chance, not of intention and design. Indeed, it seems that investigations of this problem, as far as developed, may be thus stated. (By the permission of "Bartletts' analytical Mechanicks") — Let F = the force = $500000.00 and 800 men Let P = the path passed over by the point of application of the force = 1200 miles Let Q = the quantity of effective work performed = the recovery of 500 Sheep and 10 Indians And we thus have the equation Q = F xP. or 500 Sheep and 10 Indians = 800 men moving 1200 miles at the expense of $500000. To discuss this equation. Q= F X P. It is evident that Q is dependant PURITAN AND APACHE 53 for its value upon F, and P; now assuming F, as a constant quan- tity, and the value of P, the path, as limited, it is evident that Q will, (if time be considered,) be dependant upon the rapidity of motion, of the force F. Let D = the whole distance which has been, or is to be, marched over. Let T = the whole time, occupied in the field by the troops. Let M = the whole number of miles traveled per day — And we have the equation. D = TxMorT = D/M. Now in this last equation assuming D. as a constant quantity T. will depend for its value upon M, alone, and as we decrease M. T. will increase: or making, in the equation, T = D/M, M = 0 we have T = D/O = 0-0. and Q, as a result, is 0. Now this must have been Bonneville's discussion. He considered that as the time was infi- nite, it made no differance how slowly we moved, or what was the value of M. But enough of this. Sunday June 7th and 8th 9th and 10th etc. until the morning of what it now is, June the 13th we were occupied in preparing for the great Scout of thirty days to the "Coyotero Country." Nothing worth noting has transpired with me, and now we start. Even while I write some of the troops are in motion. To day I shall commence my journal in rhyme, so "adios" to plain statements. END OF PART FIRST CAMELS IN THE MINES By DAN DEQUILLE l THUS far the camel has never proved a success in any mining region on the Pacific Coast. One would suppose that the animal could be employed to advantage in many of the desert sections lying westward of the Rocky Mountains, but such seems not to be the case. Camels can only be used in level and sandy regions for transportation purposes. In the mountains they soon become footsore. Owing to the peculiar formation of their feet they cannot withstand the sharp rocks of the mountain roads, and it is in the mountains that the work of the mines lies. For packing ore over the rocky trails of mining regions one good mule is worth half a dozen camels. The only use to which camels can be put in the Pacific Coast country is in packing salt, soda, borax and similar mineral products of the desert regions to the railroad lines. They have been tried in Nevada in transporting salt from the desert marshes to the reduction works of the Comstock, but were found unprofitable. The camel may be fast enough for an Arab, but he is too slow for an American. Wherever a camel can travel in comfort one may go with a wagon. In the business of salt transportation in Nevada, trains of wagons and big mule teams soon ran the camels off the track. Originally twelve camels were brought to Nevada. It was before there was a railroad anywhere in the Great Basin region. The animals appeared to be as much at home here as in their habitat in the Old World. They found here the artemesia and many of the same bitter and prickly shrubs that are native to the desert regions of Asia. When the oc- cupation of the camels as packers of salt was gone they 1. Dan DeQuille was a resident of Virginia City. Nevada, and author of Hiatorv of the Big Bonanza (Hartford, 1876). This article is a reprint from The Mining Industry and Tradesman, vol. XI, No. 16 (October, 6, 1892). The copy was submitted for publication by Agnes Wright Spring, Denver, Colo. The basic story of the importation of camels for service in the Southwest can be found in Lewis Burt Lesley, ed.. Uncle Sam's Camels, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1929. 54 public Library CAMELS IN THE MINES- 55 were sold to some Mexicans who used them for a time in packing wood down out of the mountains. The Mexicans took them up rocky trails into the rugged hills and used them the same as they use a mule — unmercifully. They soon killed three of the poor animals and would have killed the remain- der had not a Frenchman who owned a big ranch on the Carson river taken pity on the poor abused creatures and bought the whole of them. This Frenchman had been in Algeria with the French army, where he had acquired an affection for the camel — probably owed the animal a debt of gratitude for saving his life on some occasion. He had no use for the beasts and therefore turned them out to roam the desert plains at their "own sweet will" and enjoy them- selves. The animals soon waxed fat and increased and multi- plied. In a few years the herd numbered thirty-six, old and young. The Frenchman then sold the whole lot to be taken down to Arizona to be used in packing ore down off a big mountain range. It was said there was a good smooth trail, but the animals found all the rocks and soon became foot- sore and useless, when all were turned adrift to shift for themselves. They wandered away until they reached a region on the borders of the Gila. There they found a climate and pasturage suited to their habits and taste, and there they have been running wild for many years. It is said they have broken up into several herds as they multiplied, and these herds are scattered in various directions. Of late it is re- ported that the cattlemen have been shooting the animals for some reason; perhaps because they frighten and stampede their horses. No one knows how many camels are now run- ning at large in the wilds of the Gila country, but there must be a great number. One is occasionally caught. Three years ago one was caught near Gila Bend that measured over nine feet in height. It was supposed to have strayed from one of the herds roaming that region. The Dutchman Who Killed A Camel When the camels were first taken down to Arizona to be used in packing ore one of them was shot and killed by a 56 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW German miner. The man who did the deed suffered about as much distress of mind as did the sailor who killed the al- batross. The German was working for a mining company at a place about three miles from where were located the men who were trying to use the "ships of the desert" as "prairie schooners" in carrying ore down from the moun- tains. The man did not know there was such an animal as a camel on the American continent — probably in all his life had never seen a camel. The German had a "jager" which he had brought from the old country. With this rifle he had brought down many a chamois in his native land. Every Sunday he was out with his tremendous old "jager." He brought home no game, but always came in loaded to the muzzle with stories of the bear, deer, mountain lions and other animals he had seen and des- perately wounded. One Sunday Hans came tearing into camp about ten times as wild-eyed as usual. "Poys," cried he as soon as he could get his breath — "poys, I haf shooted a hel-ak." (elk.) "A what?" asked one of the men. "A hel- ak — a hel-ick!" cried Hans — "Mine Gott, es war de biggerest, moas' grosseren hel ak das in all Arizona ge-was !" "He means to say that he has shot a monstrous big elk," explained some one. "Yaw, a hel- ak," said Hans — "So wahr mir Gott helfe, es ist biggeresten hel- ak das in all dese mountains sail wohnen !" "Big horns like this?" queried an old miner, drawing his neck down into his chest and spreading his arms abroad. "No horn at all," said Hans — "She was a frau hel-ak, she vas der grandmother of all der hel-aks in the vorldt !" As Hans was able to show blood on his knife, gun and hands, the men concluded that he had at last really killed a beast of some kind. Horses were caught up and two men sent with Hans to bring in the meat — of which he said there was "more as a vagon-load." CAMELS IN THE MINES 57 Hans insisted upon all hands taking guns, as he said he had seen a large drove of the elk just across a little valley from where he had downed his victim. As the men rode along with him across the country, Hans honestly owned that he had never before seen an elk. He had heard so much said about the elk, however, that he thought he knew the build of the animal. Probably Hans dashed up to the spot where lay stretched the dead camel. Dismounting he threw his beloved "jager" across his game, then as the others came up he laid a finger on his lips and pointed in the direction of a range of low hills. He wanted no noise made for he was in just the right humor to creep over the hills and slaughter the whole herd. In his anxiety to make sure of his game, Hans had nearly sawed off the head of the poor camel. When his com- panions came up they were for some moments at a loss as to just what kind of huge creature Hans had stretched upon the plain. Presently one of the men who was a Comstocker cried out: "By the holy poker, he has killed one of the camels that belong over at the other camp ! Here is a nice mess ! I have no doubt the animal is worth all of a thousand dollars." "Gott in himmel, wort a tousand dollar !" cried Hans — "Ah mein lieber ! Ah, Gott, if we could only kill dem all it is more as twenty tousand dollar in our pocket !" It was long before Hans could be made to understand that the "boot was on the other foot" — that the owner of the camel would demand $1000 for it. "Ach der teuf el !" cried Hans. "Potz wetter ! Das kam- eel ! das kameel ! Is it den one kameel I have killed?" "Yes, a camel," said one of the men, "and the men who own the camel will be after you." "Donner wetter !" cried Hans. As the men with Hans did not wish to be caught near the dead camel all hands beat a hasty retreat for home. When they got back to the mine and told of Hans' latest exploit with his old "jager" the whole camp was in a roar. For three or four days Hans endured being pointed out 58 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW to all comers as "the man who shot the camel," then he came up missing, and his old "jager" with him. At meals, and on all occasions when Hans appeared among the employes of the mining company, the killing of the camel was made the topic of conversation. The atrocity of the act would be enlarged upon, and the value of the slain beast gravely discussed. Several had held that for show purposes — for use in a menagerie — the animal was worth $1500, and the lowest estimate was $800, which was for his use as a pack animal. This talk did not serve to give Hans an appetite — it was poor sauce to his victuals. Then the men always went through the ceremony of placing some one on guard as a picket, that the owner of the camel might not come and catch them all in a bunch at meal-time. All this so worked upon the mind of poor Hans that one night he "folded his tent" and in imitation of the Arab, "si- lently stole away." Five months later the Comstocker — a millwright named Tom Alchorn — went to a camp about a hundred miles away, in another part of Arizona, to work upon a set of hoisting works. At the first meal, when all hands about the mine were seen together, Tom recognized among them Hans, his former fellow-workman. "Well, by the holy poker !" cried Tom — "here is Hans ! Here is the man that shot the camel !" Tom Alchorn was then, of course, called upon for the story of the killing of the camel and before it was half fin- ished Hans had slipped away from the table. That night the poor fellow disappeared from the mine. The after history of Hans was unknown to my friend Alchorn, but it is prob- able that he is still occasionally recognized by some one in some camp of Arizona or New Mexico as "the man who killed the camel." The Result of an Attempt to Shear a Camel With the herd of camels when it was owned by the Frenchman on the Carson river was a huge old bull camel that was known as "old Heenan." He was a giant and the patriarch of the herd. He had hair on parts of his body that CAMELS IN THE MINES 59 was from a foot to eighteen inches in length. The animals ranged down the valley of the Carson nearly to old Fort Churchill. At Sam Buckland's ranch, a mile above the fort, several Mexican vaqueros were employed. These men had often seen the big camel and had looked with covetous eyes upon the long silken hair that hung from his huge frame. They thought this hair might be spun into beautiful riatas and braided into many handsome forms of reins and orna- ments for bridles. One fine spring morning two of the Mexicans — Antonio and Gedonio — equipped themselves with a pair of sheep- shears and a lasso and set out to catch and shear "Old Heenan." Usually the "ferocity" of a camel is on a par with that of a sheep, despite all hissing, showing of teeth and venom- ous looks. There is one season of the year, however, when the old bulls are really very vicious. The Mexicans had sal- lied forth in the midst of this season, but were unaware of the fact. Old Heenan was found guarding his harem on a grease- wood plain near the river. The Mexicans were mounted upon mustangs and dared not go near the herd on horseback. The sight and smell of a camel sets all ordinary horses wild ; for some reason terrifies and stampedes them. Gedonio dis- mounted and taking with him the lasso, left Antonio to hold the two horses and the shears. Gedonio found the big camel easy to approach. The old fellow stood stock still, dreamily chewing his cud with half closed eyes. The lasso swished through the air and in a moment was about Old Heenan's neck. Then, as the patriarch felt the rope tighten about his neck, the fun began. Alongside the giant beast the Mexican looked a mere pigmy. When Old Heenan realized that the small two-legged creature was actually trying to "gather him in" his little eyes turned green with rage. Hissing like a red-hot loco- motive, he charged Gedonio. The little Mexican held to the rope for a time, thinking to choke the camel down, but found the animal apparently able to subsist as long without "wind" as without water. Be- 60 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW sides, Heenan made for him so rapidly that he could get no square pull on the beast. At last Gedonio was so hard pressed that he was forced to drop the lasso and take to his heels. By this time Heenan was thoroughly enraged. The Mexican tried to dodge the irate beast among the bunches of greasewood, but these being only two or three feet high afforded poor cover. He then struck for the river, intending to climb one of the cottonwoods on the bank of the stream, but Heenan was so close at his heels that there was no time for climbing and he was obliged to plunge into the river. Not being able to swim Gedonio was obliged to halt when the water came up to his chin. Heenan charged down to the water's edge and there stood on guard. Though the old fellow would not enter the water he made the Mexican very unhappy by spitting showers of acrid saliva into his face and eyes. Meantime Antonio, who had witnessed his partner's in- glorious retreat, became uneasy. He feared he was either drowned or killed, as he could see neither man or camel after they plunged down the bank toward the river. Leading his mustangs he ventured near the bank of the river and shouted: "Gedonio! Gedonio!" Gedonio heard and begged Antonio to come to his relief, explaining the situation. He told Antonio to tie the two mustangs together and leave them, then slip down the bank, get hold of the trailing end of the lasso and tie it to a tree. All went well until Antonio was about to pass the end of the lasso round the tree. It would not reach by a foot or two and he hauled upon it. That attracted the attention of Old Heenan and he went for Antonio open-mouthed. Up the bank went Antonio with the big camel at his heels. He tried to reach the horse to mount and ride off, but at the sight of the camel the mustangs gave a snort of terror and dashed away. Heenan's attention being attracted to the horses he gave chase to them, much to the relief of Antonio who had plunged headfirst into a bunch of sagebrush to conceal himself from the enemy. Library * — City. W0 CAMELS IN THE MINES ' 61 Presently the two men got together and went in search of their horses. Half a mile up the river they found both animals drowned in a deep hole, with Old Heenan upon the bank, standing guard over them. It was only after infinite trouble that the two Mexicans were able to recover their saddles and bridles, and as they sneaked home to Buckland's that evening they were sadder and wiser men. They "went for wool and came back shorn" — even their shears were lost. The pair told all manner of lies to account for the drown- ing of their horses, but as it happened the Frenchman who owned the camels had climbed a tree to watch the Mexicans, not knowing what they were after, and had witnessed the whole affair. When the true story reached the ranch there were a thousand jokes among the men about the fun to be had in performing the feat of "shearing a bull camel in the rutting season." Sam Buckland, himself, was the boss joker, and almost laughed himself sick over the business. The two Mexicans stood the joking about a week, then disappeared between two days ; two of Buckland's best and fastest horses disap- pearing at the same time. Then Sam's merriment was turned to wrath. He would hear no more of the jokes in which his heart had formerly delighted. He told his men that there had already been "too much said about shearing camels." Notes and Documents On February 14, 1847, one hundred years ago, Richard Green was born in Boone, Watage County, North Carolina. August 28, 1848, ninety-nine years ago, Mary Caroline Lewis was born in the same city. There on October 31, 1867, eighty years ago, Richard and Mary Caroline were married in her old home. To this union, there were born thirteen children. Seven girls and six boys. The first five children, Clay, George, Calvin, Mae and Christopher were born in Boone, North Carolina. Though by 1873, Father Green had a wife and five chil- dren, the call of the Pioneer West was in his blood. North Carolina roots were hard to pull, but his desire to become a farmer caused him to "Go West." The journey westward was begun in 1873, though the family traveled no further than Jonesborough, Tennessee, where they remained two years. Nancy the sixth child and second girl was born here on December 27, 1874. To them Tennessee was still "East," and the West being their destination, they proceeded on in 1875, the second leg of their journey to take them to Jacksboro, Texas. Here Father Green purchased 300 acres of farm land, built a home, and knew the thrill of being a farmer, having had great suc- cess with his crops and cattle. They remained here for ten years, raising five more children, Roy, Effie, Ella, Emma and Kittie. After 10 years the family left Texas for New Mexico. On April 10, 1884, Mother and Father Green and eleven children started out on the journey that was to take them more than two months to complete. Four covered wagons, three of which were horse drawn, and one by oxen, along with 65 head of cattle, made the arduous journey. The family arrived in San Pedro, New Mexico, without mishap, and here Father Green and the three older boys, using their large wagons, obtained a contract to haul ore from the mines in San Pedro to Los Cerrillos, from where it was loaded on to railroad cars and shipped to the smelter in Socorro, New Mexico. This proved a profitable business, 62 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 63 but the lack of a school in San Pedro made the family decide to move to Los Cerrillos and establish a permanent home. Here in 1885 they purchased land and a seven roomed house, this later proved to be the site of the Palace Hotel. This home was the birthplace of Richard, the last son, who was born in 1888. Accustomed to working for himself, Father Green pur- chased the Madrid Coal Mines, which he worked for a num- ber of years until, his health failing, he was advised to sell. The Colorado Iron & Fuel Company purchased the mines and subsequently built the first railroad from Madrid to Los Cerrillos. It was after selling the mines that the plans for the hotel, which had been a dream, were materialized. Their decision made, construction was started on the hotel in 1888. The stone portion, consisting of twelve rooms, was erect- ed first. Five dollars a day was the wage paid an excellent stone mason. In 1890 native labor was hired to manufac- ture, by hand, adobe brick, and with this material the adobe addition was constructed. The approximate cost was $10,000. On the left, as you enter the building, the "Office" was located. Father Green often played the role of "Night Clerk," so he occupied the little room directly in back of the office. The large room to the right of the entrance was leased to Mr. Julius Muralter for a tailor shop. His living quarters were in the back of the shop. Mr. Muralter boarded with Mother Green, and resided and conducted his business there for a period of 22 years. On the second floor, the room directly over the office, was known as the "Guest Room," or "Bridal Chamber." A second bedroom was in back of this suite. Over the tailor shop were two rooms, occupied by Dr. F. Palmer, who was Los Cerrillos' only physician. He also held the post of com- pany doctor for the Atcheson, Topeka & Santa Fe Railway Company. On the third floor there were three or four bed- rooms. The adobe addition contained a large room, used pri- marily as a dining room. It comfortably seated 32 people. On the north end was a large sitting room, one of the most popular rooms in the building. It was furnished simply, 64 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW but comfortably. It was here, gathered around the old fash- ioned organ, that the family and "guests" spent many enjoy- able times. South of the dining room was a large pantry from which a door opened into the front hall of the main build- ing. Back of the pantry was the kitchen, and in succession to the back, was Mother Green's room. It had a cheery fire- place, and made a haven for her to catch a five minute wink between her many chores. Back of Mother Green's room was a small hallway lead- ing into a bedroom reserved for hired help. There was also a large room used for storing purposes. The last room in this corridor was a bedroom, which was also equipped with a fireplace, and reached by means of a long porch. It was in this room that Ruth the youngest and last child was born. An outside stairway led to the second floor of the adobe addition. Over the dining room was a large room, rented to the Masonic lodge for a two year period. Father Green was a member and became a 32nd Degree Mason. Over the kitchen portion there was a long porch, off of which there were six bedrooms. In the extreme south portion there was a suite of two rooms occupied by Dr. Wm. Bishop, D.D.S., who conducted his dental practise here. Dr. Bishop later passed away in this room. When the room occupied by the Masonic lodge was avail- able, upon expiration of their lease, rather than renew their lease, the room was subdivided and six additional bedrooms were made. Throughout the years, there were several prominent people who at one time or another occupied the "Guest Room." Of the most notable were Thomas A. Edison, Ulysses S. Grant and Governor Prince. General Grant and Governor Prince were in Los Cerrillos to inspect Placer Mining loca- tions. Mr. Edison was making experimental electrical re- search for an electric plant in Madrid. Only his colleagues, and not Mrs. Edison, accompanied him. Col. Theodore Roosevelt did not come to Los Cerrillos but, on July 4, 1899, the "Roosevelt Rough Riders" held their annual re-union in Las Vegas. Father and Mother Green accompanied by Nancy, Effie, George and Dick went NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 65 to Las Vegas for a Fourth of July outing, and had the pleas- ure and honor of shaking hands with him, and of hearing him commend their son, Clay, who, while assigned as Col. Roosevelt's orderly of the day, was killed in the first charge up San Juan Hill in the Battle of Santiago de Cuba, on July 1, 1898. From this great man praise was bestowed on the son who gave his life for his country, by the simple gesture and the words he spoke as he laid his hand on eleven year old Dick's head and said, "Dick, I sincerely hope you will grow up to be as fine a man as your brother Clay was." Father Green passed away in the little room back of the office on November 29, 1906. One year later Mother Green sold the hotel and moved to Los Angeles, California, where she resided until her death on May 24, 1932. The foregoing has been written expressly for Mrs. Nellie Trigg, present owner and restorer of the Palace Hotel, to be known as the "Rock House Ranch." NANCY GREEN MCCLEARY San Gabriel, Calif. July 17, 1947. P. S. : Another old pioneer hotel man of Los Cerrillos was D. D. Harkness, founder of the Harkness Hotel. He had purchased four lots on the street that presently faces the railroad tracks, and announced that he was going to build a hotel. He erected a temporary building and moved his family from Las Vegas in 1880. In this year railroad track was being laid, and Mrs. Harkness was persuaded to board the foreman and six of the men employed in building the road bed. She told Mr. Harkness on his return home, "Well Pa, I've started our hotel, I have seven boarders." This was the beginning of a very successful business. Mr. Harkness then erected an 18 roomed frame building. Mrs. Orah Ashley Lamke,* granddaughter of Rev. Jacob Mills Ashley, submitted for publication these extracts of correspondence from Rev. Ashley to his cousin Frank Ashley in London, England. Mrs. Lamke wrote : * 1327 McCutcheon Road, Richmond Heights 17, Missouri. 66 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW I am sorry that we do not have the original letters. Father tried to get them of cousin Frank years ago when he visited England and later my brother made the attempt. Our cousin did not want to part with them but told brother he would copy everything written about our country, that the letters were fading badly and that he wanted to copy them anyway. This he did and father had copies run off for each of us. The spelling1 of Spanish words and place names has been corrected. Some of the errors, if not all, might have occurred when the original letters were copied or in copying the copy. Unless indicated otherwise, the letters were all written in Albuquerque, New Mexico. — F. D. R. Oct. 25, 1880 It may surprise you to hear from me in this distant part of the world, in almost the south west part of the U. S., in fact out of the states into a territory in 35. N. Latitude, 30 Longitude W. of Wash- ington, a great deal nearer the Pacific than the Atlantic Ocean. The inhabitants are almost all Mexican and Indian, Spanish being the language spoken. The Mexicans are Catholics and are so under the control of the priests that they dare not call their souls their own. The Indians have a mixed religion; while acknowledging the Catholic priest, they intermix with their Catholicism a part of their Sun Wor- ship and are yet looking for Montezuma to come. The houses are built of sun dried bricks called Adobe. The room I write in has a mud floor, mud walls with some timbers laid across then some rough boards and over these 18 inches of mud, and we pay £ 3 per month for it. When we came last March there were only about 250 Americans here speaking the English language and about 3,000 Mexicans; now as the railroad has got this far there are over 1,000 Americans. The climate here is very dry and the air very pure. The place is on the Rio Grande Del Norte. In the valley it is generally very mild, but as we are surrounded with mountains that a great part of the year are covered with snow, when the wind comes from them, our Adobe (mud) house with a very little fire is comfortable. These moun- tains are rich in minerals, including silver and gold, and many are coming here to find mines. Heretofore it has been so far out of the world and so many wild Indians in the country, that it has been but little known. During this year the Indians (wild ones) have killed about 400, but a few days since their principal Chief Victoria was killed and we hope the Indian war is over. Last March my eldest living son Alfred was likely to die with consumption. Nothing would suit him but that I must bring him here; NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 67 to satisfy him we came. I did not expect he would live many weeks, but the change was so beneficial, that he is so far recovered that he is able to practice his profession (physician) but it will not do for him to leave here at present and as there are so many Americans coming in I have opened a Mission among them. Our churches (Con- gregational) are determined to enlighten these people if they can and so have established Academies among them and my son Walter who is an A. M., M. D., has charge of one at Las Vegas, N. M., 132 miles north of here, and Mrs. Ashley (George's widow) has a school at Stockton, Utah among the Mormons. Brigham Young Jr. and his brother John come here sometimes from their southern settlement in Utah and Arizona. When we got here there was no railroad, but one was building from the N. E.; this has passed thro' and is running 130 miles S. and will make connections with one from the Pacific Jan. 1st, 1881. An- other is built out w. from here 60 miles, going also to the Pacific. I rode out on it 45 miles last Monday and was within 25 miles of Mount Taylor, the highest point of the Rocky Mountains in this territory; it was covered with snow. Two Indians came to see us and rode on the train 3 miles. They were as pleased as children. We have 10 or 12 Jesuit priests here, mostly Italians, that have been driven from Italy, France, Spain, etc. I do not wonder that they have been kicked out. They will from here if they do not behave them- selves. My health is good, I weigh 148 Ibs. and altho in my 65th year, old age does not creep upon me fast. . . . April 17, 1881 We are indeed in a strange land with a people of a strange tongue. When we came, in a population of 2,500 there was only about 300 that spoke the English language; the rest only Spanish. There was not a two story building in the place, and all, even the Catholic Church, built of adobus. We had to pay £ 6 for one room without board or fire. That was £ 1-12-6 1 extra beside washing. Our room floor was about 10" below the level of the road. Walls of adobus plastered with the same mud then whitewashed. Across the top of the walls large beams just with the bark taken off and pieces of boards split out of logs, placed from one beam to another; then over all a thick bed of stiff clay, made just rounding enough to carry off water. Such a roof would wash away in a short time in England, but in this dry climate, with an occasional patch they last for ages. The place was settled long before the Spanish came and they came about 1530; they con- quered the inhabitants and with the exception of from 1680 to 1693, 1. This is an English money symbol and means 1 pound, 12 shillings and 6 pence (or pennies). Today, the English pound is officially worth $4.02. There are 20 shillings to the pound and 12 pennies to the shilling. 68 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW have been here ever since. The people are blind Catholics and the Jesuit Priests have complete control over them. There are about a dozen of them here and you may see one or another of them, with their long black robes in the street at any time. When I came our Missionary Society wished me to commence a Mission. I did so, first preaching in the County Court room; but the Catholics soon got us out of there. Then we furnished a room partly built, leasing it for six months and they got us out of there as soon as our lease was up, and for a time we could find no place to preach in except now and then a dark hall. Meanwhile the railroad came in bringing many Americans and a few Englishmen and I made some progress, organ- ized a small Congregational Church, and built a house which we dedi- cated last Sunday. My son Walter preached the dedication sermon. This is the First Protestant Church2 built in this place, and there is not another of any kind within 85 miles of it, and there is not another Congregational Church in the Territory, which is larger than all England, Scotland and Wales put together. It has been almost an unknown land, until this last few years. Warlike Indian tribes on the East, North and West of it and Old Mexico on the South; so far so difficult of access that few dared to brave the dangers. The country is not fertile, except in the valleys where the water can be carried from the streams by ditches over the land to water it. Where this is, it is very prolific; the most delightful grapes that ever I ate, peaches, apricots, with all kinds of garden vegetables growing in abundance. In November and December we had some unsettled weather, the worst that has been known here in 24 years. I wrote to our Mis- sionary Society asking the privilege of coming East to lecture on New Mexico and raise money to build a Church here, but they said rather than I should leave the ground they would send me help. It really would not do for me to leave. Had they sanctioned it and I had got to Boston, I think the temptation for to cross the big water to see you would have been too great for me to resist. I cannot say that I have altogether given up hope of doing it yet, but the best laid plans of mice and men oft go stray. I am growing old, let me see, your father must have been 60 years old last Thursday. Well do I remem- ber when they came between 9 and 10 at night to tell me that St. Valentine had brought me a baby brother. Time flies, September I shall be 66, but I look ten years younger; few take me to be 60. God has blest me in my old age, with good health and strength for my work. . . . I have written this between my morning and evening services so as to get it off quick. 2. The Methodist Church might dispute this statement. See John W. Hood, Methodism in Albuquerque, 1879-19S9. University of New Mexico, 1947. Ms. (Master of Arts thesis in History). NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 69 June 3, 1881 I thought when I came to this country I should be where there was no ministerial work to do, but I found work immediately. Within 14 months I have gathered a congregation, organized a Church and Sabbath School, built a House of Worship (your cousin Walter preached the dedication sermon) and we have sent for an organ for the Church. Church and organ are paid for and now other places are calling me. A few weeks since I spent a Sabbath 135 miles west of here, five miles over the continental divide, the waters there running west in- stead of east. This was near the end of a new railroad building to the Pacific. A motly group I met there. The Americans, English, Scotch, Irish, German, Welsh and I do not know how many other na- tionalities, beside the Pueblo and Navajo Indians, gorgeous in their dirt, paint and feathers and varied colored blankets. There was a diversity of religions as well as race, Sun Worshipers, Pantheists, Catholics, Protestants of different sects and Mormons. John W. Young, one of the heads of the Mormon Church, son of Brigham Young, with one of his five wives and two children were there. I suppose their Missionaries in England deny they are polygamists, but we know that they are and they do not deny it here, but try to justify it. I am in- formed that they promise to give to every head of a family 160 acres of land, as an inducement to converts ; but they do not give it, it is the U. S. Government that gives it to everyone that will settle upon it, whether he is a Mormon, Jew, or anything else, so that what they state of THEIR giving is false. The ride out to where I went was quite interesting. First down the Rio Grande del Norte 12 miles (fields and vineyards on both sides of the river) to the Indian village of the Isleta where there are 1,081 Indians. Their land is cultivated and they have good vineyards. Hav- ing crossed the river we rise at the rate of 52 feet to the mile until we reach the top of the Mesa or tableland between Rio Grande river and Rio Puerco; across that and up Rio San Jose, thro' the Indian village of El Rito, Laguna and Acoma, with other Indian and Mexican villages in the distance and large flocks of sheep and herds of cattle grazing on each side of the road, and in the near distance mountains rising thousands of feet above us. The scenery is grand. We then pass thro' Mai Pais (bad land) Lava beds. The lava in untold ages past has been belched forth from an extinct volcano and then when cold uplifted and thrown into thousands of different shapes. We may see in these things the wonderful forces of nature, but more of nature's God, who con- trols these forces. The Duke of Sutherland with his suite passed thro' here last Sun- day night. He did not go out over the route I have been trying to describe but went south to make connections with the Southern Pacific railroad to California. . . . 70 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW May 19, 1883 This is one of the best mining regions in the world and many will be made rich by it, others will lose all, for it is not every mine that turns out well, and many are disappointed. This place has made a wonderful growth and is still growing and promises to be one of the largest cities in this part of the U. S. A. There are two prominent reasons for it. The advent of the railroad which made it accessible and the reducing of the numbers of the savage murderous Indians; they have committed many depredations and murdered between 30 and 40 persons this year, and that is few compared with former years. There is a prospect that the soldiers will be able this year to entirely subdue them. None but those who have been in this country can con- ceive of the difficulties to be encountered in the pursuit of them; the vast mountain fastnesses known only to them and almost inaccessible to man and beast, their cunning, etc. Sentiment favors them, but ex- perience proves that they cannot be subdued with kindness. Get a good map of this country, if it is a good one it will show you near the N. W. line of Arizona, not far from Nevada about 500 miles from here, where the Grand Canon of Colorado is, one of the greatest wonders of the world. The rivers runs thro' a deep gorge, some of the mountains rising from it almost perpendicular 5,000 or 6,000 feet. There is a sublime grandeur to the scene. My son Walter, my son-in-law and another gentleman and myself visited it four weeks since and we shall never forget it. As our time was limited this week and it being 22 miles from the railroad and no regular conveyance we had to give it up. Besides we had seen it once. A Miss Sybil Carter, whose father was an Episcopal clergyman, a native of Tunbridge Wells, was with me on this trip. If we did not see the Grand Canyon, we saw other canons, Padre or (Father Canon) which we crossed on an iron bridge; it was where we crossed 176 feet deep. Canon Diablo (Devil's Canon) 252 feet deep, and Joyhnson Canon, very deep in places, was nearly 5 miles long here. In one place near the railroad was the Devil's well; the top of it is only about 30 by 15 feet and it is 2,860 feet deep. These are some of the wonders of this strange land. The lava of extinct volcanoes was seen almost all the way. This country also gives us some fine illustrations of Scripture passages. Here are often seen large flocks of sheep and many goats among them. "He shall separate the sheep from the goats" — Solomon writes of the Lodge in the garden of cucumbers. I called my fellow traveler's attention to the Lodges in the vineyards through which we passed, also the threshing floors where the oxen treaded out the wheat. To the houses, how easy it was to dig through them and let a man down through the roof. How like Peter we could sleep on the house top, etc., etc. — All these things you may read about, but I thought it would interest you all to have me write about them. Before I write again I expect to visit California and see the Pacific NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 71 ocean, altho' I would rather visit the Atlantic, cross it and pay you a visit. But I am so much nearer the Pacific and the time and expense of seeing that is nought compared with seeing the Atlantic. Holbrook, Arizona; March 20, 1884 I have moved to this place temporarily as it saves me 506 miles travel on the railroad per week, which is a great relief. I am getting to be an old man and tho' my health is good I am fatigued sooner. I think I shall soon have to give this work up. Today ends my 46th year in the Ministry and in ordinary work I think I am good for 4 more; but I have special work here, for besides my work with the English speaking population, I have the overlooking of 2 Mexican preachers who labour among their own people. Then I have to look after 3 schools, well apart, one purely Mexican, and 2 for Mexicans and Mormons. We have these ignorant and deluded people in this part of the U. S. I wish the people of England knew them as well as we do here; then they would have fewer converts. We are hoping by schools to enlighten them and thus break the power of the Mormon priesthood. Then I am greatly interested in Indian work. I sent you a magazine that had an account of my visits to the Acoma Indians. I hope you got it. I will send you in this letter a clipping from the Chicago Advance, that will give you some information about my work. You in England may be surprised that the Indians in this country are so neglected, but the fact is our Churches have all that ever they can do, to keep up with the increase of population in new places. Can you imagine a country as large as all England without a single house and in 10 years to be covered with farms and growing villages? Yet that is what I have seen in the last 10 years. Most all the people come poor; the government gave them land, they had houses to build, farms to make, school houses also to build; these serve also to preach in until they can build a Church. Thus for some years they are not able to support a minister so Societies and richer Churches have to keep them. Then we have I might say, men from every nation. We have in this place that is not 2 years old, English, Irish, Scotch, German, Negro, Chinese and Turks and as we have such a variety of nation- alities, so we have of creeds, but I am sorry to say very few Christians. The worst part of the people are the Irish, the most drunken and quarrelsome. They mostly work along the line of the railroad and are the best supporters of the saloons and most are kept by them. My being an Englishman leads me to say very little about them, for it would be attributed to prejudice. I have been in Ireland and I used to say it then and I say it now here, that the priest and whiskey are the curse of the Irish. I see by the Pall Mall Gazette, that Mr. Brice, M. P., has been publishing his impression of this country. I met him when he was out here last year. He seems a very pleasant gentleman. When he was 72 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW here he was looking at some specimens of petrified wood. We have a large petrified forest 30 miles from here; much of the wood is crystal- ized and agilized, so that it is quite a curiosity and many come to see it. May 30, 1884 I have asked to be relieved of the work or at least have some change. Whether I have a change of work or not you see that I have changed my residence back to Albuquerque, which will be my address at present. I have nothing to complain of as to health but I get so tired with travel and loss of rest, that I ache all over and do not get rested before I have to start all over again. Our schools among the Mexicans and Mormons have done well. They close this week until Sept. first. I am trying to get schools among the Indians, but have not yet succeeded. Our Churches have all they can do, and our work is harder than in foreign lands. . . . Nov. 28, 1884 I have not been relieved of my general Missionary work yet, but I hope to be next month and with that I have again charge of the Church in this place, their pastor having resigned and gone to Cali- fornia. Then I have the school and the Missionary work among the Mexicans to look after. I am looking next week for a new superin- tendent of Missions and hope he will relieve me of some of the work. I think a little rest will put me all right again. . . . The harvest has been very abundant with us. Wheat is selling at 15d a bushel; it seems as if we have more than we can consume or sell. It is a blessing for the poor. . . . April 11, 1885 I begin to feel my age (69 nearly) and altho' I look well and strong I am not as spry as I once was. Mental work is the hardest for me now; a little physical work does me good, and so I have been handling the saw, plane, etc., building a fence around my house this last week. My youngest daughter with her husband is living with me. He came to make me a visit and liked the climate so well that he concluded to stop, and has entered the mercantile business, and I think will do well. It makes a happy home for me. My eldest daughter, a widow, is teaching a Mission school 20 miles from here. She has 40 Mexican and 3 Indian children pupils. She comes up occasionally to visit us and will pass the summer vacation with us and so will also my other daughter, then I shall have all three of my daughters with me. In the matter of number of children I beat your father and he beats me in grandchildren. I have only two, one (Walter's) only 5 days old, I have not seen yet but hope to soon. Since the early part of October, I have been supplying the Church here. The pastor left NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 73 and they asked me to take it again. I consented to do so until they could get another Minister and one came the night before last and I feel greatly relieved. It is doubtful if they will let me rest as long as I am able to do anything. I have this week to go out from here 90 miles and back, to look at work among the Mexicans. Then the week following to go to the Pacific shore to be present at the dedication of a Church the first Sun- day in May. These over they give me a rest. I do not feel able now to take the responsibility of regular work, but will help a little when I can. What would you think of this in England? A few weeks since I received a letter requesting me to go 310 miles to marry a couple, as I was the nearest Protestant minister (except Mormon). I sent them word I would come March 23. I started at 3 A. M., went on the train 158 miles, stayed there 3 hours on Mission work, then took the next train 55 miles further arriving there at 4 P. M. I had to stay in a house built with 1 inch board, there were but two houses in the place. At 8 next morning, started in the rain on a rough open carriage we call a buckboard drawn by two mules, and in 24 miles saw nothing but 1 poor wild rabbit. There we stopped and changed mules and reached St. John, 54 miles from the railroad, at 7 P. M^ I was so tired that I would not go any farther that night; stayed there the night and all next day until 7 P. M., then started for Springfield 35 miles farther. The night was clear and when we got up into the high tableland very cold, for we had to face a wind from the top of snow covered White mountain. Before midnight I and the driver were pretty well chilled thro', and glad I was when at 2:30 A. M. we reached our destination. Springfield has a population of about 400 (about half Mormon). Some of the Mormons in this place and St. John have been imprisoned for polygamy, others have left the country for fear of it. On the 26th I married the couple and another couple brought me their 8 months old child to baptize. That night I took a good rest and had the happiness the next day to be favored with a day's ride back to St. Johns. This is a place of about 1,450 people. Near 600 are Mormons and a little more than 600 Mexican Catholics, a few Jews and the rest of no religious character. There were some who wished me to stay over Sunday, 29th, and preach in the Court house to them; I did so and had about 40 hearers morning and evening and they seemed to hear with gladness. They are anxious for a Missionary as they have nothing there but a Mormon bishop and a Catholic priest. Thus a number are left without any religious instruction. They see the abominations of Mormonism, that it is as the lowest Roman Cath- olicism. Our people have sent them a teacher for their children. She does the best she can with a Sunday School, but they need a Minister, but I am afraid from lack of funds our Home Missionary Society will not be able at present to send them one. You have no idea in England 74 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW of the necessity and extent of Home Missionary work in the far west. On Monday at 8 A. M., I started again on my way and reached the railroad at 7 P. M. It was, I think, the roughest ride I ever had. I had then to lay over until 3 P. M. the next day, then took the train and got home at midnight, and it was several days before I got over my ride. That trip cost the man I married over £ 10 sterling. The regular railroad and train fare was over £ 11 but he got a reduction. Now everyone has not that amount to pay for being married by a minister, so some get married by a Justice of the Peace or live together without. Some who once professed religion in their old homes, in these wild places almost forget their God and his Sabbath. I was pained yester- day to hear that a man who was a Baptist in London and occasionally preached was at work each Sunday building him a house. In this New Mexico, we have a Catholic Society called Penitentes. They have strict rules of secrecy about many of their proceedings, but at Lent they have some public exercises. Every Friday in Lent they meet and scourge themselves for their sins. When they do it in public, they put a cloth over their heads so that no one will know who they are. The day before good Friday, they meet in the morning and con- tinue their barbarous exercise until after midnight Friday, cutting themselves with knives, scourging themselves till the blood runs from their backs to the ground, being trampled upon, carrying heavy crosses and being hung upon them; they say they are the slaves of Jesus and have to imitate him. At Cubero where we have a Mission School, two have died under their torment this year, the one being trampled upon, (the other on the cross). My Aunt told me that he was her most promising pupil. It is wholly a Mexican place and the population sus- tains it and such places in the region of the Shadow of Death. It would not do for me to come to England, and tell what I see and know; they would say I was not telling the truth. Pray for these poor ignorant and benighted people, so priest ridden, that it is hard for a Protestant to get a word in with them. I am sorry to see by the papers that you are likely to have a war with Russia. I hope the war cloud will dis- perse and peace prevail. I can tell you that the people of this country think that Gladstone is the foremost statesman of the age, and are sorry to see such trouble on his hands and hope he will come out all right. We are sorrowing over Grant's dying, for little hope is enter- tained of his recovery. . . . [The next letter was from California where he had gone to dedi- cate a new church. After which he lectured in various churches as far north as San Francisco on work among the Indians. Then because of the illness of the minister's wife he stayed and preached in the new church until August, finally returning to Albuquerque. — 0. A. L.] NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 75 Oct. 21, 1886 I am not now in the regular ministry, I begin to feel my age, over 70, and so I am not willing to assume the responsibility of a regular charge, but I find enough to do, for I occasionally go out to preach even to the distance of 254 miles. Then I am correspondent secretary for the Congregational Union for New Mexico and Arizona and I look after Mexican Mission Schools in the territory. I returned this A. M. at 10 o'clock from 100 miles west of here where I am superintending the building of a school house, a teacher house and a Missionaries Home. I had a rough journey home. The place has altitude of over 6,500 feet and Mt. Taylor in near sight of it over 12,000 feet. I started at 5 P. M. in a wagon to the station four miles. It was blowing a gale when we started and it soon began to hail, rain and snow and it blew the umbrellas to pieces. I was soon wet. We reached the station at 6:20 — a long time you may say for a 4 mile drive, but you must know the road was not like your English roads. There never was any labour bestowed upon it and about one mile of it was over a lava bed, so rough that the horses could only walk over it, had they trotted it would have shaken the wagon and riders to pieces. I had then to wait nearly three hours for the train and it stormed the whole way 96 miles. While waiting at Grant Sta- tion, I met a Mexican gentleman that lived about 25 miles away in the San Mateo mountains; he said in one of the recesses of the moun- tain there was a Cliff Dwellers Village, that many hundreds of years ago was inhabited by another race, probably Footes or Axtecs. That digging in one of the dwellings they found a woman's skull, with fine flaxen hair. This would indicate that a fairer race once inhabited this land. Last week the principal of our Academy (he is from New Eng- land), and two others went 140 miles. Today he was telling me how he enjoyed the trip. Each of them brought about 30 pounds of petri- fied wood home with them. I wish you could have a view of the scenery, rocks, hills, mountains and valleys, such as cannot be found anywhere in the British Isles. « I have been west many times but never tire of the scenery. For my children's sake I am glad I left England when I did. For myself, altho' I have met with some heavy pecuniary losses I have no fear but what I shall reach the end of my life without depending upon anyone. My children are all working and making comfortable livings. The two eldest are gone. Edwin, the next son, is a Circuit Commissioner and doing well in his profession (lawyer). He has two little girls. Walter is at the head of the best educational institution in New Mex- ico. He has one little girl. Herbert, the youngest son, is farming in Dakota. Mrs. Rood, the eldest daughter, is a Missionary Teacher, one of the most successful ones among the Mexicans, in a large Mexican village 20 miles from here. Her husband has been dead two years. 76 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW Phoebe, my next daughter, is married to an excellent man, principal of a large school in Kansas. Laura, with her husband, has a ranch in Colorado. They did live here with me and we went in business together, I as silent partner, but thro' the dishonesty of certain parties we lost money. Her husband is an Englishman and brother to Edwin's wife. Now I have given you a short family history. The book I caused to be sent direct to you from the Home Mis- sionary Society in New York. They write, "The book has been for- warded to your son in London." I thought it would give you consider- able information about the country and I hope it has. In the way of earthquakes, etc., you have not had much experience in your little island; our large continent is likely to experience more. We all here take an interest in your political matters and Gladstone is a general favorite in America. Only last night talking with an educated Mexican that lives in the mountains; he was praising English policy in Eu- ropean affairs. As your papers keep you posted in our affairs, ours keep us posted in yours. In spiritual matters we are in the darkest part of the U. S. A. Nearly all the people are Roman Catholics and their priests are blind leaders of the blind. Some of them will say Mass in the morn- ing and then spend the rest of the day in drinking and gambling, or attending horse racing or cock fighting and the poor ignorant people are afraid of them. In a place not far from here, a man with a little property died a short time ago, and the priest said he would not bury him for less than £100 ($500). His son said they could not raise the money, but could half of it. The priest said, give me that and I will bury him out of Consecrated ground and keep him dancing on the borders of Hell until you bring me the other half, then I'll take him up and bury him in Consecrated ground and put him on the way to Heaven. So his children borrowed on the property to pay the $500, that their father might not be kept on the borders of Hell. Amidst their darkness we have to labour. Our schools are doing good work, we want more of them. . . . Book Reviews Murder and Mystery in Neiv Mexico. By Erna Fergusson. Merle Armitage Editions, Albuquerque, N. M., 1948. Pp. 193 and photographs. $3.50. Here is a modern retelling of nine true stories of New Mexican violence. It is evident that Erna Fergusson has en- joyed digging out details concerning the murders and col- lecting the various explanations that have been offered for still unsolved mysteries. "The Vigilantes of Socorro" tells of the shooting of A. M. Conklin, editor of the Socorro Sun, by one of the young Bacas in 1880, over a fancied insult, and the subsequent illegal proceedings of the Committee of Safe- ty, organized to secure "justice." The second narrative ex- plains the shooting that arose over a disputed land title between Manuel B. Otero and Joel P. Whitney, of Boston, in August, 1883. Other chapters are devoted to the career of Billy the Kid, the strange disappearance near the White Sands of the San Andres of Colonel Albert J. Fountain and his little son, the hanging of train robber Black Jack Ketchum, the killing of Indian trader Frank Dugan on the Navajo reservation, the Manby mystery of Taos, the murder of Yee Fong in Silver City, and the mob violence against some Mexican coal miners in Chihuahuita, near Gallup. All of the stories hold the reader's interest, even better than do the ever-popular fictional "who-done-its." Here fact itself falls into patterns of suspense, and the assembled clues have a concreteness difficult to rival by invented circum- stance. The characters, also, are more varied, colorful, and convincing than are the creations of even top level purveyors of today's crime and mystery best sellers. For this reader, at least, truth in the realm of murder is not only stranger but also more fascinating than fiction. Murder and Mystery in New Mexico appeals, also, by its regional quality. Racial and physical backgrounds, com- mon occupations, local customs, ethical and cultural stand- ards, and characteristic ways of thinking and speaking permeate the stories. No one of them could be inserted unde- 77 78 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW tected, even with a change of place names, in such recent crime anthologies as those entitled New York Murders, San Francisco Murders, or Denver Murders. Another important aspect of this volume is the artistry of the narrator. Erna Fergusson goes far beyond the usual levels of newspaper crime reporting, giving us sympathetic understanding in addition to accuracy and clarity. She dem- onstrates the ease, freshness, vividness, and restraint of the experienced and gifted writer. She also avoids the over- detailed and the over-sensational treatments that have too often been accorded the criminal aspects of earlier Western and Southwestern life. Her writing is, moreover, beautifully framed by the attractive format of the book, another exam- ple of distinguished local publishing. University of Denver LEVETTE J. DAVIDSON No Man's Land. By Carl Coke Rister. Norman, Okla. : Uni- versity of Oklahoma Press. 1948. Pp. xi, 210. $3.00. This book is a history of the once wild and often dusty area which is now the Oklahoma Panhandle. Its title comes from a phrase used in a "New York Sun" story on this area in 1889, when it was indeed "God's land, but no man's." It is an area bigger than Rhode Island and Delaware combined. Although repeatedly blasted by droughts, dust storms, and blizzards, many of its sturdy inhabitants have stuck to their homes and farms through thick and thin. Dr. Rister, research professor of history at the Uni- versity of Oklahoma, is well known as author of a series of excellent books on the history of the Southwest. The work is not annotated; but its bibliography, and other books by the same author, provide sufficient guarantee that it is based upon wide study of the original sources, in Oklahoma, at the National Archive, and elsewhere. The story of the area is carried from the days of Coro- nado to that of the latest suitcase-and-windshield farmer who hopes here to get rich raising wheat under inflated war- time and post-war prices. "Don't Go Out Thar," was the advice to an army officer's wife given by Kit Carson, who BOOK REVIEWS 79 knew the area well from the days of Josiah Gregg and the wagon trade over the Santa Fe Trail. The blizzard of the 1880's, causing death to thousands of cattle when this was chiefly a cattle area, and the dust storms of the "Dirty Thirties," after War I had made it a wheat area, were the region's worst God-made plagues. Man-made plagues were the outlaw gangs which located here in the later 1800's, when adequate government was lacking. To this latter problem, and to the struggle for law and order, Dr. Rister gives most of his attention. Part of the Texas cession originally, in 1850 Congress had left the area unorganized, being preoccupied with the slavery question. Hence the panhandle area was placed in no administrative unit, neither state nor territory. Law and order were non- existent. Here outlaws found a choice refuge, and non- criminal settlers faced a long and heartbreaking fight. To- day's local boosters call the area a "beef bowl" or "wheat bowl," as means of forgetting that the dust may come again. Fortunately the outlaws never will. University of Nevada AUSTIN E. HUTCHESON Jeff Milton, a Good Man With a Gun. J. Evetts Haley. Nor- man, Oklahoma, University of Oklahoma Press, 1948. Pp. xiii, 430. $5.00. I have a very considerable admiration for J. Evetts Haley. I do not know Mr. Haley from Adam's off ox but I know his writings and these I regard with lasting respect. Mr. Haley began acquiring this respect with his first book, The XIT Ranch and the Early Days of the Llano Estacado, and it continued to grow as I read his story of Charles Good- night and those other books concerning George W. Little- field and Charles Schriener. I was not let down when I read Jeff Milton, a Good Man With a Gun. Mr. Haley is a Texan and, as everybody knows, a Texan's cattle bawl a little louder, his horses buck a little higher, and his friends grow a little taller and shoot a little straighter than any others. Mr. Haley writes about Jeff Milton, who was his friend, and proceeds to prove his points 80 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW regarding bucking, bawling and shooting. He dots the i's and crosses the t's of his story with documentary proof, and he has dug back into source material, interviewed many and gone out and ridden the country he writes about. To my way of thinking this is essential for how else can a man write of the old timers? He must know them and their country. Mr. Haley knew Jeff Milton and the reader comes to know him too. He liked and admired Jeff Milton ; the reader also likes and admires him. He saw Jeff Milton as a whole man, with weaknesses as well as strengths, and the reader also sees Jeff Milton. Therefore a good deal of Southwestern history unfolds and is explained. Men like Jeff Milton made it ; men like J. Evetts Haley record it. There were many doors in Jeff Milton's life and Mr. Haley opens them. Through the doors come stalking such characters as Governor John Milton of Florida, Major Jones and Captain Bryan Marsh of the Texas Rangers, Old John Selman and George Scarborough down in El Paso, Burt Alvord, Bronco Bill Walters; the Rurale Colonel, Emelio Kosterlitzsky, and hundreds of others. But these are small people. With them stands Jeff Milton, dominating them. Jeff Milton did it all. He was a Ranger when rangering was tough ; he was a peace officer when to wear a star often meant assuming the duties of judge, jury and executioner as well ; he prospected ; he guarded gold shipments for Wells Fargo; he was an inspector for the Immigration Service. Jeff Milton was "a good man with a gun," and he was also a good man, and so he hunted outlaws and put down lawless- ness ; was shot at and hit ; shot back and made hits in return. He did those things that honest, fearless men do in a savage, untamed country. J. Evetts Haley tells about them in salty, hard twisted prose. Where else but in a Haley book will you find a man described as being "comfortable" to have along in a fight? Or another as, "standing out like a black muley steer in a whitefaced herd?" Me, I don't know. But I do know that Haley writes that way and that I like it. Something should be said about the illustrations. There are photographs of old timers and old time places, and there BOOK REVIEWS 81 are line drawings by Harold D. Bugbee. These last particu- larly are like the chilitipins that Jeff Milton carried in his old cap box: they make colorful, spicy flavoring for the whole. Maybe I've gone overboard about this book. If I have that's all right with me. A critic might dig in and find fault and discover discrepancies and overdrawing. I don't know. I do know that I read Jeff Milton, a Good Man With a Gun, and that I did not put it down until I had finished. Then I dipped back into the book and repeated the performance. I expect to read it many times. Albuquerque, N. M. BENNETT FOSTER CONSTITUTION OF THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF NEW MEXICO (As amended Nov. 25, 1941) Article 1. Name. This Society shall be called the Historical Society of New Mexico. Article 2. Objects and Operation. The objects of the Society shall be, in general, the promotion of historical studies; and in particular, the discovery, collection, preservation, and publication of historical material especially such as relates to New Mexico. Article 3. Membership. The Society shall consist of Members, Fel- lows, Life Members and Honorary Life Members. (a) Members. Persons recommended by the Executive Council and elected by the Society may become members. (b) Fellows. Members who show, by published work, special aptitude for historical investigation may become Fellows. Immedi- ately following the adoption of this Constitution, the Executive Council shall elect five Fellows, and the body thus created may there- after elect additional Fellows on the nomination of the Executive Council. The number of Fellows shall never exceed twenty-five. (c) Life Members. In addition to life members of the Historical Society of New Mexico at the date of the adoption hereof, such other benefactors of the Society as shall pay into its treasury at one time the sum of fifty dollars, or shall present to the Society an equivalent in books, manuscripts, portraits, or other acceptable material of an historic nature, may upon recommendation by the Executive Council and election by the Society, be classed as Life Members. (d) Honorary Life Members. Persons who have rendered emi- nent service to New Mexico and others who have, by published work, contributed to the historical literature of New Mexico or the South- west, may become Honorary Life Members upon being recommended by the Executive Council and elected by the Society. Article 4. Officers. The elective officers of the Society shall be a president, a vice-president, a corresponding secretary, a treasurer, and a recording secretary; and these five officers shall constitute the Executive Council with full administrative powers. Officers shall qualify on January 1st following their election, and shall hold office for the term of two years and until their successors shall have been elected and qualified. 82 Article 5. Elections. At the October meeting of each odd-numbered year, a nominating committee shall be named by the president of the Society and such committee shall make its report to the Society at the November meeting. Nominations may be made from the floor and the Society shall, in open meeting, proceed to elect its officers by ballot, those nominees receiving a majority of the vote3 cast for the respective offices to be declared elected. Article 6. Dues. Dues shall be $3.00 for each calendar year, and shall entitle members to receive bulletins as published and also the Historical Review. Article 7. Publications. All publications of the Society and the selec- tion and editing of matter for publication shall be under the direction and control of the Executive Council. Article 8. Meetings. Monthly meetings of the Society shall be held at the rooms of the Society on the third Tuesday of each month at eight P. M. The Executive Council shall meet at any time upon call of the President or of three of its members. Article 9. Quorums. Seven members of the Society and three mem- bers of the Executive Council, shall constitute quorums. Article 10. Amendments. Amendments to this constitution shall be- come operative after being recommended by the Executive Council and approved by two-thirds of the members present and voting at any regular monthly meeting; provided, that notice of the proposed amendments shall have been given at a regular meeting of the Society, at least four weeks prior to the meeting when such proposed amend- ment is passed upon by the Society. 83 The Historical Society of New Mexico Organized December 26, 1859 PAST PRESIDENTS 1859 — COL. JOHN B. GRAYSON, U. S. A. 1861 — MAJ. JAMES L. DONALDSON, U. S. A. 1863 — HON. KIRBY BENEDICT adjourned sine die, Sept. SS, 1883 re-established Dee. S7, 1880 1881 — HON. WILLIAM G. RITCH 1883 — HON. L. BRADFORD PRINCE 1923 — HON. FRANK W. CLANCY 1925 — COL. RALPH E. TWITCHELL 1926 — PAUL A. F. WALTER OFFICERS FOR 1948-1949 PAUL A. F. WALTER, President PEARCE C. RODEY, Vice-President WAYNE L. MAUZY, Corresponding Secretary ALBERT G. ELY, Treasurer Miss HESTER JONES, Recording Secretary FELLOWS PERCY M. BALDWIN FREDERICK W. HODGE RALPH P. BIEBER J. LLOYD MECHAM HERBERT E. BOLTON THEODOSIUS MEYER, O. F. M. MARION DARGAN FRANK D. REEVE AURELIO M. ESPINOSA FRANCE V. SCHOLES CHARLES W. HACKETT ALFRED B. THOMAS GEORGE P. HAMMOND PAUL A. F. WALTER 84 ^Mexico Historical l^eview Palace of the Governors, Santa Fe l, 1949 Editors FRANK D. REEVE PAUL A. F. WALTER Associates PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND FRANCE V. SCHOLES THEODOSIUS MEYER, O.F.M. ARTHUR J. 0. ANDERSON VOL. XXIV APRIL, 1949 No. 2 CONTENTS Page Santa Fe Church and Convents Sites in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries .... Fray Angelico Chavez 85 War and Peace: Two Arizona Diaries . Frank D. Reeve, editor 95 Checklist of New Mexico Publication . . Wilma Loy Shelton 130 Notes and Documents 156 Book Reviews . . . 166 THE NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW is published jointly by the Historical Society of New Mexico and the University of New Mexico. Subscription to the quarterly is $3.00 a year in advance ; single numbers, except those which have become scarce, are $1.00 each. Business communications should be addressed to Mr. P. A. F. Walter, State Museum, Santa Fe, N. M. ; manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be addressed to Prof. Frank D. Reeve, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, N. M. Entered as second-class matter at Santa Fe, New Mexico UNIVERSITY PRESS, ALBUQUERQUE, N. M. PLAZA C E M ET E R Y OLD STBEET* SAN FRANCISCO ST SAN FRANCISCO ST. Descriptive but not accurate sketch showing relative position of the Plaza and Church-Convent before 1680 (top) ; the post-Reconquest Church-Convent (center) with San Francisco Street emerging between groups of houses built on the upper Plaza after 1693: and (bottom) the present Cathedral built around the 1804 Church, shown by shaded lines. Black outlines show 1717 sections still in use. NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOL. XXIV APRIL, 1949 No. 2 SANTA FE CHURCH AND CONVENT SITES IN THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES By FRAY ANGELICO CHAVEZ THE ORIGINAL 1697-1698 document of the erection and act of possession of the first Franciscan Convent in Santa Fe after the Reconquest, besides presenting an inter- esting picture of those times, furnishes us with some valu- able points which, with the help of other published and un- published data, resolve some old problems concerning the more or less exact location of several historic places in the ancient Capital. Its own quaint rambling phraseology can better describe the occasion than any modern paraphrasing ; for this reason the entire manuscript is here given ^trans- lation.1 Afterwards, the points to be discussed can be ra&jgn up with greater ease and clarity. $& In the Villa of Santa Fe, Headquarters-Capital of thfe Kingdom and Provinces of the New Mexico, on the Twen- tieth day of the month of August of the year one thousand six hundred and ninety-seven, before me the Captain Don Alonso Rael de Aguilar, secretary of Government and war of this said Kingdom, there appeared the Senor Don Pedro Rodriguez Cubero, Governor and Captain-General of it and Castellan of its forces and Garrisons for his Majesty, for whom I vouch. I know and declare that he, having arrived on the second day of July past of this year to date and taken possession of his Administration: and on having seen and ascertained that the religious of our seraphic Father Saint Francis had neither Convent nor living-quarters with the 1. Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, Spanish Period, No. 13. 85 86 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW decency which their persons deserve, since those in which they exist and reside are merely some poor lodgings ex- tremely small, in which they live with great inconveniences, surely a sad state of affairs, for which Causes, Reasons, and motives, said Lord Governor and Captain-General had the convent begun which is now being built, which is situated in front of the ancient church and Convent which borders on the north side with the water ditch that passes in front of this Villa. And on the south side, all that once was a street, which forms a front before the convent and Church which existed in olden times. And on the west side with the former plaza of this Villa. And because said Convent finds itself built today for the most part, in that the greater part of its walls is up as ordered by said Sefior to be built from their foundations, and because his determination and final Wish are directed towards said end, it being the result of his devo- tion as so much a son of our Seraphic Father Saint Francis, and because of future Uncertainties and his being a mortal man, he declares before me, said Secretary of government and war, and the witnesses who should be present, that said Lord Governor and Captain-General was making and did make Gift and donation of said Convent freely, purely, clearly, and irrevocably, according to what law calls inter vivos, to the Very Reverend Father Preacher, Fray Juan Alvarez, most worthy Gustos of this holy Custody of the conversion of Saint Paul, as Head that he is of it, so that in the name of his sacred Order he might accept this said donation which said Senor makes according and as it now stands : and that it continue to be built in the future, for not for this Reason of said Senor making this writing shall he desist from it, but on the contrary shall apply greater inter- est and care in its furtherance, so that it is finished within a shorter time, and then, when this is so, he shall place said Very Reverend Father Gustos, Fray Juan Alvarez, in Royal Possession in order that he may accept it In the name of his Sacred Order, that they Possess and keep it Freely and frankly and without any impediment, and that if some per- son or persons should place one, said Senor shall answer to the charge since he is making and building said Convent SANTA FE CATHEDRAL 87 with his own resources and funds; and with regard to the ground on which it stands [he declares], as Governor and Captain-General that he is of said Kingdom, that none of its inhabitants have right or share to it by Reason of its being on Royal lands won with the arms of his Majesty ; for which Cause, in his Royal Name, he made and has made Grant of said ground together with all the rest of the land which should be needed both for building the church as well as [that needed] if said Reverend Father Gustos should wish to extend said Convent further, and likewise a piece of Land for a Garden which is situated and extends along the east side and reaches up to said Old Church. And if any of the Settlers of this said Villa had a Grant made [here], said Senor annuls them from Now on and declares them null and of no Validity or effect, for on the other hand he will remunerate them for these and make them good, because it is worthy of all consideration that said Reverend Fathers who now reside in this said Villa, and those who should be in it in the future, have the necessary Conveni- ences in said Convent due to its wideness and Capacity; and so that it may be Valid concerning this said donation of said Convent and Grant of ground made in favor of the Most Reverend Father Gustos, Fray Juan Alvarez, and of his Sacred Order, said Lord Governor and Captain-General so executed and signed before me, said Secretary of govern- ment and war, there being present and as witnesses the Royal Ensign Don Miguel de Sola Cubero, the Sergeant Ma- jor Juan Lucero de Godoy, and Francisco Rodriguez, living in this said Villa — and said Governor and Captain-General ordered me, said Secretary of government and war, to place the seal of his arms for greater solemnity, force, and Validation — Pedro Rodriguez Cubero [Rubric'] [Faint shield on wax over fancifully cut piece of paper, and Before me this folded over to protect impression.] Alonso Rael de Aguilar [Rubric] Seer, of gov.ment and war. 88 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW ROYAL POSSESSION OF THE CONVENT [On the margin] On the Twenty-fourth day of the month of January of the year one thousand Six hundred and ninety-eight, I, the Captain Diego Arias de Quiros, Alderman ordinary of first Vote of this Illustrious Council of this Villa of Santa Fe, about ten in the morning went to the Convent which the Sefior Don Pedro Rodriguez Cubero, Governor and Captain- General of this Kingdom and provinces of The New Mexico, recently built, and in the presence of said Lord Governor and the Regents Jose Rodriguez, Francisco Romero, and the High Sheriff Antonio de Aguilera Ysasi, and a great con- course of People, I read the Donation and grant which the said Lord Governor and Captain-General made in favor of the Order of Our Seraphic Father Saint Francis on the twentieth Day of August of the past year of one thousand six hundred and ninety-seven, by Virtue of which, I took by the hand the Reverend Father Preacher, Fray Juan Alvarez, custos and ecclesiastical Judge of this Holy Custody of the Conversion of Saint Paul of this Kingdom and Prov- ince of the new Mexico, and I led his paternity walking and, arriving at the principal door, he opened it and rang the bell as a sign of Possession which I gave him, not only of said Convent but also of the grant of lands and garden ac- cording and as contained in said grant, in the presence of said Regents who signed it Together with me on said day As above — Diego Arias de Quiros [Rubric'] Antonio de Aguilera Ysasi [Rubric} Francisco Romero de Pedraza [Rubric] Joseph Rodriguez [Rubric] Of prime interest here are the references to an "ancient church" and an "ancient convent." These were the struc- tures erected during the early part of the seventeenth cen- tury, and which were destroyed by the Indians in the sacking of Santa Fe in 1680. But first, let us clarify the difference between the church and convent and their mutual relation- ship. The Franciscans, who exclusively evangelized New Mexico for more than two centuries, lived in community as members of an Order. As distinct from the house or resi- SANTA FE CATHEDRAL 89 dence of a secular priest, or the palace of a bishop, either of which can be separate and even distant from the church itself, their communal dwellings were contiguous to and communicated with the parish or mission church which they served. They were not called monasteries, for these are the large secluded dwellings of the older Orders of monks (like the Benedictines and Cistercians), but rather convents, or gathering-places, for the friars, or brethren — who held a position half-way between the monastic life (alone or se- cluded from the world) and the secular life (in the world) of the diocesan clergy. The word "convent" is the ancient offi- cial Franciscan term used even today (Latin: conventus), which in its ablative form became the Italian and Spanish convento. In England, however, the peculiar term was "friary" for the friars, in the same sense that a "monastery" was for the monks. In modern English, too, the word "con- vent" has come to connote exclusively the dwelling place of religious Sisters, who are a relatively recent development, for the ancient Orders of women were called monachae or female monks (nuns in English), and their places were also referred to as monasteries (nunneries in English). But this ought not make us change the time-honored designation of a Franciscan house as a convent.2 Therefore, in all the New Mexico Missions the Francis- can Convent was joined to the church building, the larger ones united to it fore and aft, and sometimes along the ad- joining flank. In Santa Fe, the first permanent parish church of Our Lady3 was built during the term as Gustos of Fray Alonso Benavides (1626-1629) ; its convent might have been erected sometime before or at the same time ; evidence points 2. Modern Franciscan terminology distinguishes between two main kinds of houses: 1) the "formed" convent which must observe the rules of enclosure and must have at least six professed friars, four of whom at least are priests, so that the divine offices and other religious observances are duly performed; 2) the "unformed" house, called a residence, which lacks the above requirements. A convent is ruled by a guardian, & residence by a praeses or presiding superior. O.F.M., General Constitutions, Ch. V. 3. For the old Spanish period under consideration, when every stable house was a convent and its superior a guardian, the above distinction has no bearing. During its long history the Santa Fe convent had only two friars, at times only one. An inter- esting transfer of the use of the term occurred in New Mexico after the Franciscans disappeared in the first half of the nineteenth century. The people continued to call the secular priest's house a convento, and his housekeeper a conventera, even to this, day. 90 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW to the fact that in 1631 the convent was in use, but the Bena- vides church, its principal nave at least, had not yet been completed.4 What the shape or plan of these contiguous buildings was we do not know. The Benavides church did have attached an extra "Lady Chapel" which was finished before his departure.5 From the general appearance of the more important church-convent structures in New Mexico before and after the 1693 Reconquest, we can imagine it to have been similar in style and plan to its post-Reconquest successor or to the still existing plant at Acoma. This church and its convent were razed to the ground by the Indians during the 1680 Revolt. In his 1692 expedition, Governor de Vargas saw the ruins of these buildings and, prior to his second entry with the colonists in December, 1693, had publicly vowed and re- solved to rebuild the church as soon as he was able. During the next few years, the tower-chapel on the southeast corner of the Government Palace served as the parish church, and also, it seems, another temporary structure erected outside the north wall of the town "by the road to Tesuque."6 During these first years the friars lived in separate hovels or "cells," while the Governor and the people went on with the onerous task of rehabilitation and the suppression of continuous In- dian uprisings or threats of revolt. Hence, de Vargas had not found time to keep his vow by the time his successor, Governor Cubero, took over the office on July 2, 1697. Cubero had bought the governorship from the King, and 4. On March 22, 1631, after Father Perea had gone out to meet the new Governor, Francisco Nieto de Silva, they returned in procession to the Santa Fe convent ; but the grand religious-military reception was held in the "iglesia de San Miguel." San Miguel chapel, called a church in this instance, apparently was serving as parish church while the large Benavides structure was in process of completion. — Archives of New Mexico, A.G.N., Mexico, inquisition, t. 372, ff. 3-14. 5. Fray Angelico Chavez, Our Lady of the Conquest (The New Mexico Historical Society, Santa Fe, 1948), p. 34. 6. The question of chapels that served as the parish church in Santa Fe between 1693 and 1717 requires further study. R. E. Twitchell's account is a jumble of ana- chronisms and misapplied titles in this regard. Old Santa Fe (Cedar Rapids, 1925), pp. 50-51. A. von Wuthenau identifies the tower-chapel on the southeast corner of the Government Palace with a temporary "parish church of St. Francis" on the road to Tesuque. "Spanish Military Chapels in Santa Fe and the Reredos of Our Lady of Light," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, X, p. 180. However, the document on which the latter author relies seems to place this Tesuque-road church, not at the southeast corner where the tower-chapel stood, but outside the town wall somewhere towards the northeast corner of the Palace block. Twitchell, Spanish Archives, II, no. 758. SANTA FE CATHEDRAL 91 for reasons of his own did not like de Vargas' tarrying in Santa Fe after his thirty days' residencia, was over, so he began criminal proceedings against the Reconquistador and threw him into prison.7 De Vargas himself, although op- posed by both friars and people in particular instances dur- ing his six-year term, had acquired a well-deserved popu- larity. We might then wonder if this is not the real reason why, as soon as he arrived, Cubero set to building a convent for the Franciscans — within fifty days of his arrival it was completed "for the most part." His writs of donation and pos- session, aimed to be read before the populace, lay heavy stress on this act of pious generosity. Furthermore, he not only provided for the location of the future parish church, object of the unrealized de Vargas vow, but also for the ex- pansion of the new convent. De Vargas finally got his release, after almost three years in prison, and left New Mexico ; but he returned with added royal honors for a second term. Long before he ar- rived in Santa Fe in November, 1703, Cubero had fled the country by a roundabout way,8 leaving as his only monument the Franciscan Convent in question; for de Vargas soon made an official complaint against Cubero's destruction of the town's wall and other buildings of defense. The new parish church was not built until many years later. Perhaps de Vargas did intend to carry out his decade- old vow, but he died during an Apache campaign in 1704. This permanent parish church, dedicated in honor of St. Francis of Assisi and joined to Cubero's convent, was not ready for use until 1717, having been started three years before and brought to completion by the faithful with the assistance of the ancient Confraternity of La Conquista- dora.9 Its exact location, and that of the convent, are defi- nitely established by those rich descriptions which Father Dominguez wrote in his Report of 1777. 10 Most likely he examined this very document of 1697 in the convent archives, for he expressly states that "this convent was built at the 7. L. B. Bloom, "The Vargas Encomienda," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, XIV, pp. 378-389. 8. Ibid., pp. 392-393. 9. Our Lady of the Conquest, p. 39. 92 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW expense of Governor Cubero." The parish church to which it was attached was the 1717 structure. Although it fell into ruin at the close of the century, its 1804 successor, longer as to its nave, was built on the same spot, for it incorporated the same old sanctuary, sacristy, and Conquistadora chapel, which had not fallen down. When Archbishop Lamy replaced this building with the stone Cathedral in 1886, these three sections remained intact. They provide a sure starting-point for fixing the exact or at least the approximate location, not only of the church-convent structures, but also of the eastern limits of the foreshortened Santa Fe Plaza, both before the Indian Revolt of 1680 and after the Spanish Reconquest of 1693. According to Father Dominguez, the 1717 church was about 121 feet long. This would place its front entrance close to the center of the present Cathedral. The 1697 con- vent, built as a quadrangle with inner cloister, touched this church at the front south corner and at the southwest corner of the sacristy ; therefore, its front west elevation ran about 121 feet south from the middle of the Cathedral nave, then as many feet to the east, and again as many feet north to meet the sacristy at the exact spot on which the 1804 south chapel of the Cathedral now stands. Father Dominguez de- scribes this corner very minutely. As to the eastern boundaries of the plaza, the Cubero document states that the 1697 convent's west front ran along "the former plaza of this Villa." Therefore, the Santa Fe Plaza in its original form, from 1610 to 1680, ran clear up to the middle of the present Cathedral. After the Reconquest, people began building on this upper section of the plaza, so that as early as 1697 many had to be evacuated from the extreme east end to make room for the convent and for the church that was to be built eighteen years later. A cemetery directly in front of the church was already in use by 1732, after the interior floor-space had been used up, as we learn from the burial books ; this cemetery is described by Father 10. Description del Nuevo Mexico hecha par Fray Francisco Atanasio Dominguez, 1777, Biblioteca Nacional de Mexico, Leg. 10, No. 43. This lengthy and most import- ant document is in process of translation for publication, with pertinent annotations, in the near future. SANTA FE CATHEDRAL 93 Dominguez as running about 103 feet from the front eleva- tion of the church to a short street parallel with it, while houses were scattered in between this street and the town plaza. From all this, we can speculate as to the position of the "ancient" church and convent of 1629. They had been de- stroyed by the Indians in 1680, but their foundations were still visible in 1697. The Cubero document does not say whether the convent was actually south of the church or vice-versa ; because the south would be the better protected side, we can suppose almost with certainty that the Fathers used the higher church structure as a wind and weather break on the north. Invariably they chose the sheltered side for their convents in all the Missions. These church-convent foundations stood east of the 1697 convent, and with enough space left between them for a small garden. North of it ran a ditch, its water drawn from a marsh above ; south of it was a street "that had been" before 1680, and directly on it was built the south flank of the convent. This would place the Benavides church of 1629 almost directly behind the present Cathedral, its front entrance, and the convent's, along the north-to-south line now occupied by the hospital's two-story brick quarters to the rear of the Cathedral — and not on the front lawn of St. Vincent's facing the Post Office, as commonly believed. The space between it and the original upper limits of the plaza would have been the logical place for the pre-Revolt cemetery in front of the Benavides church. Certainly, a surveyor with his professional knowledge and his instruments could figure out the more or less exact position of these places. Besides the Cubero and Dominguez documents, the "Urrutia Map" would be of great help.11 For the present, the accompanying general sketch will have to suffice. All this, in turn, would make it possible for an archi- tect or an artist, with further aid of the Dominguez Report, to build authentic scale models of Santa Fe's center at differ- ent periods of its existence. All in all, the whole matter is very intriguing. 11. This mid-eighteenth century map of Santa Fe is reproduced in Twitchell's Old Santa Fe, facing p. 62 ; also in the NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, X, facing p. 182. 94 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW viej° Cook and Tenney Routes Arizona: 1864 and 1870 WAR AND PEACE: TWO ARIZONA DIARIES Edited by FRANK D. REEVE WAR King S. Woolsey was a notable Arizona pioneer. He was a member of the Walker party organized in 1863 to prospect for mineral wealth in northern Arizona. He also became a rancher and participated in politics for a number of years. Due to the unsettled relations between the white man and the Redman in Arizona of those days, Woolsey, on at least two occasions, led punitive expeditions against the Indians. Among the members of his expedition of August, 1864, was F. A. Cook who kept a detailed diary of their activities. Woolsey's account of this expedition was written in the form of a report to Governor John N. Goodwin and has been published in Thomas Edwin Farish, History of Ari- zona, III, 258-272 (Phoenix, Arizona, 1915). Cook's diary is in the possession of the Sharlott Hall Historical Museum of Arizona, Prescott, Arizona. The edi- tor copied approximately the first two-thirds of the diary while on a visit to the Museum, and Mrs. A. H. Favour, a resident of Prescott and active in the management of the Museum, kindly copied the balance of the ms. and forwarded it for publication. The diary is here reproduced exactly as written by Cook in so far as possible; some difficulty was experienced in reading the punctuation and an occasional word: WE left Woolsey's1 on the eve. of the 1st. of June, 6:00 P. M. Our course was N. 69 E. over a rolling country 18 miles to a good spring.2 1. The starting place was Woolsey's ranch on the Agua Fria creek, about twenty miles east of Prescott. Journal of the Pioneer and Walker Mining Districts 1863-1865. Arizona Statewide Archival and Records Project, Historical Records Survey Projects, p. 13 (Phoenix, Arizona, 1941) Woolsey's ranch was later known as the Bower's ranch and was located between the present day towns of Humboldt and Dewey 2. Woolsey called this spring "Fisher's Cienega," distant fifteen miles rather than eighteen miles. Farish, History of Arizona, III, 258 95 96 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW There is a fine valley of several hundred acres — excel- lent grass. Jumped a band of about 15 Indians, but as it was Midnight, we did not see them June 2nd. Started about 7 o'clock in morning — our course N. 69 E. (18 miles). Most of the way was rocky and down a canon to San francisco River.3 Found a running stream in this canon, heading about 4 m west of San francisco. Crosed San francisco at noon. Camped here, dinner [?]. Caught some fine fish. This is a splendid valey Soil sandy, but vegitation showes it to be Rich Timber scarce but what there is, is principally Cottonwood. This valley is large enough for hundreds of families. Started about 4 P. M and traveled east 5 miles to Clear Creek (which is a large stream tributary to San Francisco) Here Col. Woolsey overtook us a little before dark, organized the companeys and commenced preparations for attacking his Asship Big Rump. June 3d The Colonel called out all his men and placed them in their respective messes & companes and appointed captains (or squad leaders) for the attacing party which numbered 60 in all. The men a single blanket a piece and provision for four days but expected to meet the pack train4 in three days they were all in good spirits and eager for battle. In about 2 Hours after Col Woolsey started the pack train crawled out. For the first hour or two we made verry slow progress for we passed through Clear creek bottom where the brush was thick and no trail, there was but 30 men and 60 animals and confusion raigned 3. Woolsey named the canyon "Copper Canyon," and the river the "Verde." Ibid., 258 I don't know why Cook named the river the "San Francisco" unless he misunder- stood the name San Fernando. A military map of 1859 lists the river as the Verde or San Fernando 4. "At Clear Fork I divided the command, sending the pack trains with thirty- three men Southward to seek a passage through the mountains, while with the remain- ing sixty men I continued in an easterly course, toward the great Tonto Basin, where the pack train was directed to meet us." Woolsey in Ibid., 259 WAR AND PEACE 97 We arrived at Stinkbug creek about 6 oclock took water and went up on the masa & campd for the night Travelled 8 mis today June 4th. Started in good time this morning and travelled down and up Hells own Canon Found water in tanks on top of the masa or near the top rather and camped for the night, this mesa is verry high I think 1000 ft above fossil Creek or rather rivor (where we camped for dinner) which I forgot to mention. Eight miles to Fossil Creek. June 5th. (after dinner) Started about sunrise, travelled in a N. E. direction up a mountain about 300 ft above our camp went about 5 miles and struck about East About 9 miles from camp found pine timber and general appearance of the country changing entered a small but pretty valley large pine, oak, & cotton- wood, good munch grass Found fresh Indian sign and as we progressed more of it. Found an Indian fire, deserted ; 10 miles from our camp. Below the fire about 1 mile we heard the allarming cry of murder from the rear. Every one appeared somewhat excited some much more than others, of course. A party of 4 or 5 men started back to aid the sufferer, & the rest of [us] tied the animals as close and as quickly as possible. We had no sooner got them tied than the men commenced returning. The cause of the allarm was this one of the party a Frenchman stoped to adjust his pack, lost the trail, got into a steep canon and was not able to get out probably because he was scarred. I cannot detail as I would like. I hear the order to drive up and we do not know what will come next Perhaps a fight. June 5th. afternoon We travel faster than any time preceeding and throu a better country. About 5 miles on the trail we crossed a small stream running to the S. E. thrugh a heavy timbered valley 98 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW mostly pine Went 5 or 6 m farther & Camped on a large open masa to the right of trail. Water in canon to east. We travelled about 8 m this afternoon and as near as I can judge about S. 80 E. I have not had an opportunity to set the compass for two days we have much work and few men. June 6th. — Noon. We started about 6 Oclock this morning feeling a little uneasy about the attacing party this being their 4th day out. Their rations were only for 4 days Our course this morning has been about East and over quite a rough trail I think we traveled about 6 miles up to this time. Noon. We are camped in a verry beautiful val- ley, but small about 10 acres of good arrable land A few cottonwoods and Oak A small stream runs through this valey to the south, it is nearly enclosed by steep bluffs Here we find good grazing and clover nearly knee high. There is about One acre of land that was cultivated last year in corn. The stalks are still standing, some of them full length. This is the prettyest and best camp we have had, both for safety and convenience About a quarter of a mile back, we struck the trail of some of the attacing party They were going south, and ahead of us. I think our general course has been east since my last observation with the compass I forgot to note a small saka [acequia?] which we find here. June 7th. — 9 oclock A. M. We are still camped in the little valley at which point we arrived yesterday. We have not yet heard from the party which left us on Clear Creek on the 3rd. We expect them today — and are verry uneasy about them. I think Woolsey must have engaged them yesterday morning, for they were all arround us last night and apparantly going away from home or in the opposite direction from Woolsey, who was going south. We made signal smokes on the round masa to east yesterday and two of the men are up there now making signals for the Woolsey party. Thes men who were on the masa yesterday WAR AND PEACE 99 said, there appeared to be a great many fires to the south of us. Our men are nearly all on duty now. Some guarding the animals — some on picket, and the ballance building a corrall or fort which we will call Fort Anxiety until a mor appro- priate name shall be found I have the compass setting by my side. On top of the masa west of our camp — about 300 yards. As near as I can judge from the appearance of the country we traveled East yesterday. The bearing (from this point to the largest mountains we can see, and the ones supposed by our guide and others in the party who were out on the other expedition with Col. Woolsey, is South 5° West. This is to the most Eaasterly peak in the range which appears to be a little higher than the other three or four to the West or right. I should think these mountains are about 25 or 30 miles distant and the country between here & there very broken & rocky, as it has been for the last 8 or ten miles. June 7th. 1 P. M. Col. Woolsey with his party have just arrived5 June 8th. Started about 7 Oclock this morning in a southerly direction. Kept on this course about 6 miles and Camped for dinner in a senega [cienega] or valley.6 Find granite formation commencing 3 miles back of this One of the party got the color A small spring here We find limestone on granite here. About 5 miles south of our noon camp we found quartz the rock stil changing Granite here is of a blueish color and there is a great deal of green colored rock. Evening. We are camped on the brink of a small canon to the right of trail & about thee hundred yds below some aban- 5. Woolsey states they met the pack train on the East Fork of the Verde five days after the separation. Ibid., 260 6. This place was on Tonto Creek. Ibid., 260 100 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW doned Indian huts 4 or 5 in number. Verry little water here, but plenty for both men & animals. We have traveled about 14 miles to-day June 9th. The bearing from this camp to Point of Mountain sup- pose to be on our line of march onward is S. 25° 30' to a high timbered mountain over & beyond the above peak. Bearing to Mountain of which I took an observation to from Ft. Anxiety, which was S. 5° W. is her from this point to S. 10° W Noon — We left our camp at 7 this morning and traveled in the direction as above noted and have progressed but 6 miles, as we had no trail a part of the way say about y% way. The country has the appearance of gold. It is very rrocky, rough & hilly, Crossed several dry Creeks today The rock is a hard reddish colored granite with some quartz. Also a great deal of the green rock which some say indicates Copper & Silver. We are encamped close up to the foot of the mountain and on the North side on the top of a masa. There is run- ning water in the Creek below but does not remain long above the surface. Several of the men have gone down to the creek to prospect. Several report color but not sufficient to pay. We started from here after dinner in a zigzag way — S. E. direction over a rough & rocky country paying little or no attention to trails Went about 4 miles and camped on a branch of Tonto Creek running towards the North. Found no gold here Remained here untill 1 Oclock P. M. June 10th started & traveled in a S. Easterly direction over rough ground and camped on a creek running N. E. Water stand- ing in basins in the creek here. Indications for gold & silver look much better here than anything we have seen since leaving Granite Creek. Mr. J. Cox Saw 3 Indians this morn- WAR AND PEACE 101 ing- and signs of what he thought 25 or 30 more. They have been watching our movements verry closely for the past four days. They build fires & smokes at or near our Camps as soon as we are out of range of our guns We encamped to night on a creek running N. E. or nearly East. Tributary to the main streem Tonto Creek Water in Tank, plenty but I think not permanent Made about 10 miles this after [noon]. June llth morning A party of 21 men with Mr E Peck at their head have just started from camp back of here — Basis Camp. We went down the bed of this creek about 3 miles and struck Tonto Creek. — a runing stream Traveled down T. Creek 3 m and camped, and went out prospectting. Found a silver Lode. Large and looked well. Saw an Indian. Close but he ran the gauntlet and got away in good stile. We fired 6 or 7 shots but none hit him. He was a fine looking fellow. Large — strait & well dressed buckskin through out — darkness prevails. Bearing to Pine Peak is S. 68° W. from this Camp Boulder ruins. S. 10° E. to Big Rump Peak. S 30° E. Bearing of Tonto Creek N 20° W Supposed Course back to Woolsey. N 47° W. Woolseys guess. We camped here tonight where are plenty of ruins of stone buildings, so old that the walls are mostly hidden by the earth The water here stands in a lake 3 or 4 Hund yds long and quite deep, for we went in swimming and could not find bottom. Cottonwood Camp June 12th 1864 Started an hour before sunrise this morning Traveled down Tonto Creek 8 miles and camped waiting for Mr Pecks party & intending to go on down the creek in the afternoon, but it is now 7 oclock P. M. and they have not yet returned The weather is hot & dry — have had no rain since we left Col Woolseys The nights are warm & one can sleep comfort- ably with a single bla[ri]ket 102 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW Cottonwood Camp June 13th. Mr Pecks Party arrived this morning about 7 oclock. They killed one deer, did not find a pass through the gap where they expected to From Cot [ton] wood Camp to Cupola Peak which appears to be in the direction we will travel. The Bg — is S 67° E. " S 2° W. to Tonto Peak. The Bg — is S 2° W. to Tonto Peak Cottonwood Camp 13 Here we find ruins of a different character many of the walls are standing and are laid up in a cement of gypsum or plaster of Parris which is re-christalized ; probably from the effects of age. Mr Peck's party found many ledges of silver-bearing quartz, & found gold in the gulches, one piece of about two cents. June 13th. Salt River Camp We left Cottonwood Camp at 11 oclock this morning and arrived at Salt River about 5 oclock evening hungry & thirsty for we came most of the way without water a dis- tance of 15 miles. June 14th. Found Big Rumps7 headquarters 3 miles below deserted in haste from appearances He had about 1 acre of corn which looked well, commencing to joint We made a willow drag and caught about 200 fish. The largest ones looked verry much like Cod but had no teeth, and would weigh from 10 to 20 Ibs. This kind of fishing was new to many of us but was verry fine sport for we had to go into the river and in some places it was up to our necks but the weather is verry hot and the waters warm. A part of our party started for the Pimo's on the 14th with 36 Pack animals for an additional supply of grub. Mr. 7. "Wa-poo-i-ta or Big Rump, the Tonto Chief." Woolsey in Ibid., 261 WAR AND PEACE 103 J Cox8 was at their head We expect them back in about 15 days. They numbered 21 We remained here at S. R. C., untill 4 oclock on the morn of the 17 when we moved up the river about 6 mi and camped on a beautiful Senega [Cienega], where is a clear spring9 or two rather of good fresh water Splendid grass here South 74° E. from Salt River Camp to Cupola Peak. From S. R. Camp to Tonto Peak. " " " " Bg is S. 77° 30' W. " " " " " " S. 85° E. to a round topped mountain about 20 miles distant. The valley of Salt River above and below S. R. Camp is 4 miles wide & 7 miles long. From S. R. Camp N. 10° W. To a table mountain the highest part of which [is] on the south end — About 8 miles distant June 18th. Col Woolsey is getting up a party of 36 men,10 who will start this evening. They will take 6 days provisions and intend to go about 40 miles in an easterly direction & return in a N. Westerly direction back of the high range of moun- tains N. of us. Soon after dark the party marched out. June 19th. All hands were called up 1/2 past 4 this morning and as soon as breakfast was over began the construction of Fort At 10 oclock we had the posts all set and willows woven in most of the way arround then we all took to the shade for 5 hours. June 20th. Sunday Finished the fort this morn Went fishing in afternoon good luck plenty of fish 8. Henry Jaycox. Ibid., 261 9. Woolsey named it Grapevine Springs. Ibid., 261 10. "As the pack train would not return from Pimo for several days, and I was confident there was a large number of Indians in the vicinity, I determined to hunt them and on the following day, after dark, I started at the head of thirty-six men with six days rations for a scout on the north side of the river." Ibid., 261 104 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW June 21st. Made 4 or 5 hauls with our willow drag & caught about fifty fish all suckers, but verry sweet. I think the best I ever tasted. Perhaps it is because we have no meat for we have nothing but flour & coffee 5. oclock evening. Col Woolsey and party have just returned after a scout of 3 days & nights. They report many Indians, and a great deal of Wheat, Corn Beans Pumpkins mellons, etc Expect them in tomorrow to make a treaty. June 22nd. Waited anxiously for the Indians to make appearance. About midday we saw Smokes within a mile. Col Woolsey & Capt. McCannon went with a white flag to meet & bring them in but the smoke proved to be one which was made by some of the party the even [in] g before & no Indian showed themselves consequently no treaty Uppon hearing the Col orders (which were to moove at sunrise on the morrow to their wheat fields) much dissatis- faction was manifest. Expressions of fear & bravery could be heard from nearly all parts of our quarters. The Col called for an expression, or rather put it to vote whether we should moove or not. But with all the apparient dissatisfac- tion the vote was unanimous to moove, which was the Col's wish Although I considerd this a desperate moove. I do not think we could do otherwise, for some of the men were entirely out of provisions and the rest, had from 2 to 4 Ib of flour to the man, with but little coffee, less sugar & no bacon. Except about 5 or six who furnished themselves & they had from 30 to 50 days provisions ahead For the past five or six days about half our living has been fish. Our only trouble is that we have not got lines strong enoug[h] for the large fish which weigh from 10 Ibs to 40 Ibs., neither can we catch many of them in our willow drag. WAR AND PEACE 105 June 23rd. Left camp or rather Fort — about 6 oclock this morning. Col W. and his party about 55 men with the pack animals left for the wheat fields11 — 15 miles in an Easterly direction. And Capt Gird with 16 men inclusive; myself among the number for the Pimos or rather to meet the pack train which went on the 14th from S. R. C. for provisions We are to escorte them to our new camp, which is well into the enemies' country. I expect we will have to do some hard fighting before we return. For the Indians do not subsist on nature alone but cultivate the soil, & they must be an exception, if they do not fight for their homes and crops. Camped on masa on S. E. side of Tonto Creek, for the night. June 24th Started before sunrise this morning, went about 8 miles up Tonto Creek & camped, lay in the shade thro the heat of the day untill about 4 oclock here we left Tonto Creek & went towards low gap in mountains and camped (within 500 Yds of foot of Mts.) for the night. Saw signal smoke on other side of valley on top of mountains about N. E. of us. Found good water here. > June 25th. Took breakfast, & started (a little after S Rise,) over the mountain. The trail was good, but for about one mile verry bad on account of rocks on one side, in which the Indians can hide and give a party much trouble, and be secure themselves. In this respect this is the worst place I've seen Went about 8 miles & camped about !/% mile E. of trail near spring on side of mountain. Jacob Snyder killed a fine deer here We ate it all but I. [one] ham which we saved for breakfast next morning. After dinner, I with 5 others, Smith, Rice, Stevenson, Gilson and Ike — went up the high mount E. of us hunting, but instead of finding Deer we found 8 or 10 Indians who were watching us and had run off all the deer. We got within 11. The wheat fields were on Final Creek, south of the Salt River. Ibid., 263 106 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW abo[u]t 200 yds of them, unexpected to both us & them, but they ran & we did not get sight of them untill they appeared on top of a sharp peak of rocks about 500 Yds above us. We watched each other a few moments. They hidden all but their heads and Shoulders, We standing up in full view, when we saw a puff of smoke, & whiz came a bullet and struck about 20 ft to our left. Wallace answered the shot, and they all dodged out of sight every time a gun was pointed at them. We returned to camp took a lunch, & about 5 oclock marched down into a valley & camped for the night, on an open plane, Dry Camp. June 26th. Started before S. R. & before breakfast traveled about 7 miles and camped on a small creek running S. E. good water, Some large Cottonwood & plenty of willows. A party went hunting in the morning & another in the afternoon. One saw a few deer but killed non. After Sundown we went up the Creek about 1 mile to & open park and camped for the night. June 27th. Left camp this morning before sunrise without break- fast, our provisions nearly all gone. We had not gone more than 7 or 8 miles when with joy we beheld the pack train encamped in a valley or basin on a creek which like most other creeks in this country is dry, with the exception of a place here & there where the water comes to the surface. It is generally good & tollerably cool. Here we remained all day on a/c of Wilford Riley who was sick with Disentery. June 28th. Moved over to the place, a dist[ance] of 8 miles we left yesterday morning. 'Twas noon when we arrived here, & as it is to much of a drive for our animals to go to next water we remained untill morning. June 29th. Started this morning sun abo[u]t an hour high. Some WAR AND PEACE 107 of us expected we might possibly have a brush with the Indians today, for we passed over the worst part of the trail but we do not see the least sign of them, not even a distant smoke. We are encamped in Tonto valley, under the shade of a large tree, a cool spring about 300 yds to the N. W. & good grass. June 30th Got up this morn as usual abo[u]t daybreak but did not get off untill sun was an hour high, when we started down the creek, we find water abo[u]t two miles on the trail & about 300 Yds above old ruins. These are quite extensive, abo[u]t 80 Yds by 150 Yds. Corral or fort and buildings inside. Ruins are 6 or 7 feet high We stoped on Tonto Creek for dinner, a dist[ance] of about 8 miles from morn [ing] camp. Afternoon we went about 12 miles down the creek and camped for the night in a brushy & weedy place, close by Tonto Creek. July 1st. Started at 7 oclock got to Salt river at 10, but did not camp here drove on to F[or]t where we arrived at 12. Made a few hauls with our willow drag, caught a few suckers & 1 large fish weighing about 25 Ibs. had a good feast, and although I was unwell never relished a meal better for our grub now consists wholly of flour, wheat and penola [pinole, a cereal meal]. July 2nd. Left the Fort a[t] 6:30 this morning and traveled over a dry, sandy, barren & hilly country, in a S. Easterly direc- tion. Camped at 12 Noon found a spring of cool water about Va a mile above camp, near the top of mountain. I think we have traveled 12 miles up to this time A. M. 3 oclock. Left camp & went over to Wheat Creek where Col Woolsey and the bal[ance] of our party are encamped, got in about 6 oclock about 7 miles this afternoon. 108 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW July 3rd. Wheat Creek Camp from camp to Cupola peak. N. 65° 30' E. 1 mile. Eg. of Wheat Cr. N. 39° W. into Salt River " to Large Peak S. 29° E. Supposed Bg to Pimos S. 70° W. We remained here all day making pack saddles & mend- ing shoes etc. July 4th. Left Wheat Camp at 6 this morning and traveled up the creek. Our general course about S. E. which is to the left of Large Peak, have traveled about 8 miles. A good spring here We had a heavy rain and are all drenched to the skin Still looks like rain Got a good prospect here for the first time After dinner mooved on about 6 miles and camped on a dry creek, but there was rain water in pools enough for man & beast This is much the best looking gold country we have seen. Several of the[m] prospected surface dirt and got as high as 15 colors to the pan. Plenty of quartz Lodes here but we found none which we thought would pay to prospect ; more particularly on a/c of water being scarce. July 5th. We started this morn in nearly an east cours down the bed of the creek abo[u]t 3 miles to its junction with Penal or Wheat Creek up the bed of which we traveled 8 miles & camped for dinner, found water which was left from yes- terdays rain. Otherwise I think we would have suffered for the want of it. There are several Indian sculls, earthen pots, wicker jugs for carrying water etc. This is apparrantly an old battle field. Indications for gold not as good. More granite & less quartz (this is Scull camp. 3 P. M. Packed our animals and mooved about 200 Yds up the mountain a[nd] camped for the night. July 6th. Started early and traveled about 6 miles up to a spring. WAR AND PEACE 109 Camped & spent the afternoon in prospecting hunting etc. Got a good prospect & 3 or 4 deer we will call Cherry Camp. July 7th. Started early and travelled about 8 miles up to the sum- mit the trail was generally good but steep We deviated from the line to Penal Mt to the Southward today and also yes- terday. Today we have seen a great variety of timber, Maple, cherry, Oak, large Pine & alder, Syckamore & many other kinds of timber. Quartz quite plenty, looks like a gold country, but water scarce. This is Mountain Spring Camp. July 8th. 4P.M. Went up on the top of large mountain and took observa- tions as follows Pinal mountain N 60° 30' W. to Tonto Peaks. N. 86° W. Needles Peaks S. 70° W. to Cassa Blanco [near] Pimos S. 22° W. [S. 7° W.] to Picacho on the road half way from Teucson to Pimo villages S. 7° W. to Teucson S. 9° 30' W. to Prominent Peak S. W. from Teucson S. 47° E. from this Peak up a river supposed to be the Gila or San Pedro, turns to S. of this mountain around the Base N 81° E. To Peak Supposed Siera Pinto [?] This is also the Bg. of dividing range between Gila & Salt River S 50° To Cubarba Mountain a high Table or at top Mt July 9th. Our party split & 17 men went back via Pimos. We went down north the mountain 5 miles to a large water Tank & camped for night. J[uly] 10th. Started at 6 this morning and traveled about N. 60° E. for 25 miles over a desert most of the way down a dry creek 110 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW the bottom of which is covered with Mosquite bushes About 18 miles from Tank & on the S. or East Side of dry creek up a canon about i/% mile, there is a small spring, but as it would have detained our party to long we did not stop, but con- tinued on down to Agua Colandra, or West Fork of the San Carlos, where we find plenty of water, a large Aceque full of water, it is about 6 ft wide & 2 ft deep. There is a heavy growth of timber here, principally cotton wood ; a cornfield above and one below our camp also some beans just right to eat our boys gathered a few beans July llth. We were rather slow to start this morning, on account of the animals & men who gave out yesterday and would not have got in had not some of the men got on the mules and carried water back to them ; as it was some of them did not get in until 9 oclock Eveny It was past 9 when we got in motion, we went down the river at a brisk pace ( our course was about S. E. 30° ) 8 miles & camped for dinner under the shade of some large cotton wood's. The stream here is about 8 ft wide and 6 in deep with a good fall. The men's shoes are very bad and their feet getting sore, and some of them lag back & suffer a gooddeal. P. M. We travelled down the creek 7 miles to the junction, (or rather a mile or two below) of the Coland & Gila. That is we suppose it to be for it is a good sized stream. We see fresh shoe tracks & horse tracks, and it is evident that the Post is somewhere near us we are in hopes of finding them soon July 12th. From Camp Junction to Siera Pinto, S. 59° E. This range runs East & West. From Camp to Pinal Mt. West " the Triplets N 6° E. " to Lone Peak N 45° E. Our course yesterday W [ ?] S 30° E. WAR AND PEACE 111 From camp noon the 12th on the stream, to Siera Pintos S 30° E. The Triplets N. 28° 30 W. to Lone peak in range N 31° 30' E course of Stream South 83° W We are traveling up stream — Mountain to west of San Carlos N. 31 W. The mountain mentioned as Siras Pintos is not that mountain name unknown to us. Started about 8 this morning and traveled up the Gila on the S. E. side. Lava, Limestone etc., but no indication of gold Still on the soldiers trail going the same way we are. Made 10 miles and camped a little above old soldiers camp which from appearances they had left but a day or two before. Afternoon we traveled up the stream about 3 miles and crossed. Made 10 miles this afternoon camped at sun- down. Our pack train is strung along the road for 3 or four miles. July 13th. Started before sunrise and without breakfast travelled 10 miles, camped, breakfasted, went fishing. Good luck laid over thro the heat of the day. Started out about 4 P. M. had not traveled more than 1 or 2 miles when we met Soldiers under command of They had a six mule waggon and where going down Noon camp, gathered salt here. July 13th To Penal Mt N 66° W. S " Triplets N 57° W " Lone Peak N 32° W " Siera Pinto S 50° W " Long Black Mt. S 38° E " Right hand " S 22° 30' E Bg of river down & up 15 miles N 50° W " to Mt on N side of River N 83° E. General Bg of River from this point N 75° W. P.M. After we were on the road 1 hour we saw soldiers on opposite side of the river. Halted a few moments. Col. 112 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW W went over to see them, & we went up the river to camp. Made about 12 miles today. July 14th Laid over about 3 miles below the Fort (Goodwin)12 on the river bank. July 15th. Traveled about 18 miles13 up the Gila & camped after dark. No fires allowed. July 17. Traveled 25 miles & camped on S side of Gila at 8 oclock in the evening. Passed old ruins 14 & saw considerable broken pottery some of which was nicely painted & glazed. This country is allmost destitute of grass. Volcanic rock washed into boulders. July 18th. Gila River N. Side at the point where we leave the river to go across to Prita. Bg from here to Mt. Graham is S46°30'W to Highest point above the center as seen from here, South of us appears to be a large open flat or plain. To small peak exposed (?) on South side river N67° East. River bears, S63°W from here Euro Mts S65°E. July 18 Started at 4 ; this morning, went 3 miles & camped on N Side for breakfast. Killed a large brown bear abo */2 mile below here. P.M. Started at 1 oclock & went across the hills to Prita,15 8 miles, which bears S15°East This river 12. Fort Goodwin was located on a stream called Pulerosa, a tributary of the Gila. OoL Rigg, 1st Infantry, California Volunteers, was in command. Ibid., 265 13. Col. Rigg "issued rations to my command and it was agreed between us that I should proceed up the country to the Black River and prospect the district, also looking for the Indians and that I should return across by the heads of the Bonito nnd San Carlos to our old camp on Final Creek and there join Maj. Thomas J. Blakeney's command and with it operate against the Apaches in the vicinity of that creek and Signal mountain, on the north side of Salt River." Woolsey in Ibid., 265 14. These ruins were known as Pueblo Viejo. The party left the Gila near this point and traveled cross-country to Bonito Creek. Ibid., 265 15. Judging from maps and Woolsey's report, Cook is wrong in calling this stream the Prita, which is correctly spelled Prieto, meaning Black creek. The party first touched the Bonito Creek, then traveled farther eastward to the Prieto, which is named Eagle Creek today. WAR AND PEACE 113 or creek is about 3 feet wide clear & swift running, through a box canon for 18 miles from the mouth up. The walls on either side are nearly perpendicular; of Lava rock; and about 100 ft high. Mr Lewis prospicted this evening but found no color. July 19th Traveled up this stream 10 miles & camped for the night Found some Adobe Houses in a good state of preservation under some shelving rocks, they were much in the present Mexican stile, the walls painted & whitewashed. July 20 Went in an easterly direction across the hills 8 miles to a creek or river 15 to 20 ft. wide, good water & plenty of fish also some Bear, Bever & Turkey, After dinner moved up the stream 3 mi and camped on a masa for the night, we have had good grass since we left the Prita This stream runs about S15°East & like the Prita thru a box canon, got the color where we first struck it & indications look a little like gold. July 21st Left camp Bonito this morn, at 4 Oclock & traveled up the canon, & I think crossed the stream twenty or thirty times, dist about 7 miles, stopped for breakfast & dinner. Traveled about 7 miles this afternoon. Found a Rancheria and a lot of muskal. the Indians had apparently just left in haste. We had just got encamped when a young Squaw about 10 Years old came in. She was verry thin and evidently a prisoner for she bore the marks of the whip.16 July 22nd. Started at 4 this morning & went up the stream & cross- ing every 2 or 300 Yds made about 6 miles and stopped for breakfast. Caught some fine fish. After dinner we turned back down stream l1/^ miles (for the Canon was impassable) 16. Woolsey wrote: "She came in with us and is now at my Agua Fria ranch." Ibid., 266 114 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW And took a trail leading to the right, but up the river. We had a splendid trail & passed thru a beautif ull country after going 5 miles we again struck the river which here opens out into a fine large valley, the best for both farming & grazing purposes I have seen in the territory (14 miles to day passed several corn patches I think in all about 30 Acres. Just beginning to silk. Indians left. Bearing of the river here isS10°E. Bg to Peak S40°E " "PeakN38°E Traveled 8 miles to day July 23 Roused camp at day break but did not start till 7 oclock. Went East 6 miles up on high ground camped for dinner. Bg to Mt. Graham S15° W. PM Went back to the river (over very rough road), as we could not get over the mountains, camped for the night I think 3 to 5 mi above morning camp. July 24th At 5 Oclock & without breakfast we resumed our march, or rather climbing & wading up the river went about 6 miles ; breakfasted, rested 4 hours, & moved up 3 miles to grass camped for the night Here our Party divides One under McKaman17 goes East prospecting & the other in number with Woolsey towards home. Corrected 24th July 25. This morning was spent in mending shoes, washing etc At 2 Oclock P.M. We started westward or toward the wheat patch, went 7 miles and camped, no water here heavy showers in the night 1. o cl July 26th. Started at five and traveled over low mountains 7 miles. Camped for noon at a water tank used all the water, but 17. Woolsey: "A portion of the command was not satisfied that this stream was the Black River, and were desirous of going: further east to look for it. I, therefore, detached Mr. P. McCannon with 46 men in that direction while with the remaining 24 men I started on my return to Final Creek. Mr. McCannon rejoined me at Ft. Good- win 19 days from his departure. . . ." Ibid., 266f WAR AND PEACE 115 men and animals had plenty. Here I have to record the sad- dest thing that has transpired on our trip. (Blank Space) 18 2 P. M. We started and traveled 10 miles, killed a bear, camped for the night near some tanks of water, rained half the night. July 27th. Went 7 miles S.W. and camped for Dinner & also to let Mr. Bomfor Shake. P.M. Traveled 8 miles about S20°W and camped a little before sundown July 28th, Made 4 miles over the dividing range S.W. Saw 15 or 20 Indians & 6 or 8 Lodges, Camped on a spring branch tributary to San Carlos From here to But end of Mt. Gra- ham S17°30'E. Mt Turnbull Pinto S29°W. Ft Goodwin S. Supposed Bg Triplets. Spd Bg S58°W. Penal Mt. Bg S70°W. Supposed. P.M. July 28. Went ten miles and made dry camp. July 29 Started at 4 this morn and went to a Tank 4 miles. Camped for breakfast after which we went on 10 miles to the San Carlos & camped for dinner Plenty of water. A good sized stream 10 ft wide 1 ft. deep with a rappid current Then we went on untill sundown and camped on N.W. side of a canon in which is a good Spring The rock here looks more favorable for gold country July 30. Got up at 4 this morning packed our animals & went about half way down into the canon to the spring, ate some grapes, breakfasted, prospected three pans of dirt, and pegged out at 10 0 cloc. no color here It rained hard & the 18. Probably the death of J. W. Beauchamp who ascended a neighboring: peak to take bearings and was killed by Indians : "he was waylaid by six Indians, shot through the chest with a rifle, lanced, stripped and left for death." Ibid., 267 116 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW wind blew cold from the N.E. last night. About 1 in of water fell. Noon. We are encamped in an old indian rancherie & have traveled this morning about 8 miles in a N.W. direction. P.M Traveled 4 miles when within 1 mile of camp the Indians hollowed at us from the highest point of rocks they also hoisted the white flag but we could not get them into camp. We camped for the night on a clear masa. Water in the canon below. July 31st We traveled about 15 miles stopped for din on side of mountain. No water except what we had in our canteens. P.M. we went about 6 miles & camped for the night. Good spring, heavy thunder shour. rained half the night Aug. 1st After eating some wheat about half Boiled & drinking our coffee which was good, we again resumed our weary march, & did not stop untill we had gone about 15 miles when we found a good spring to the left of the trail, and stopped to rest, eat wheat & drink coffee ; had no sooner got our packs off the animals when we heard the Indians (hol- lowing from the rocks above) Americanos buenos. 8 indians & one squaw came down to camp, they appeared very friendly & we traded for some mesKal, [mescal] which appeared to me to be my only salvation for I had not tasted bread for two days. Aug. 2nd. Started before sunrise and after traveling first N.W. then S.E. over mountains & canons for about 4 hours, we got into the wheat patch about 8 oclock. Then we had a big fiest of boiled & roasted corn. Camped under the big Syca- more in the evening we mooved up on the hill among the Soldiers. When within 400 Yds of here we heard firing by the Soldiers. It seems the Indians which were at our camp yesterday were coming in, according to agreement with Col. WAR AND PEACE 117 Woolsey when the soldiers fired on them killing one and tak- ing two prisoners Aug. 3rd. Spent the day in gathering and drying corn. Aug. 4th. Repeated the labors of yesterday. This afternoon a company of 16 cav. arrived from Ft Goodwin. They came as an escort for Maj. [Blakeney?] — who is relieved from his comd. The two Indian prisoners were hung on a limb of the big Sycamore this evening, corrected date from this on Aug. 4th. The cavalry which came in yesterday started back this morning. Col Woolsey accompanied them, and is going as far as the San Carlos. Aug. 5 Started at 2 oclock P.M. for the San Carlos, went 8 miles & were stopped by a thunder storm which was verry heavy in about i/£ an hour it slacked a little & we resumed our march the road (or trail) was muddy and several of the animals mired down. The previously dry creek is now a mad rushing river ; dangerous to ford by the animals and I had to leave mine on an Island tied to a tree considering myself lucky to find a tree on which I, with Mr Gird & Rice crossed, but not without danger, for had we made a miss step should have fallen in and our chances for life would have been slim for the water was over our heads in depth & verry swift, filled with driftwood, made 10 mi in all this afternoon and camped after dark Aug. 6th Started early & traveled hard all day I think about 25 miles & got into camp on the San Carlos long after dark. The last mile through thick brush & mud up to our ankles, 118 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW Weary, tired and hungry we rolled up in our blankets, and I slept soundly. Camp Riggs, San Carlos River. Aug. 7th. Layed over today; got 100 Ibs more flour fixed up our traps Shod some Horses found the corral all right. All our carefully prepared araingments fell through on account of the failur of the milatary authorityes to coopirate Aug. 8 Traviled down the San Carlos Woolsey19 having gon over to Fort Goodwin and we are to travel down to junction camp, to wate untill he com.es. the overflow has left great quantities of soft mud in which we hade great trouble geting through. I see by refering back that we were at this camp before on the 12th of July. The River is raising And has a verry swift current. This camp is about 12 or 15 miles South 6°W from the center peak of the Triplets which will [?] from here. Aug. 9th Junction Camp. Laying over wating for Woolsey. 17 of us gard corners very quiet. Aug. 10th. Rain very heavy last night and I was verry sick with Collock. I had to get up to start fire for the Boys the Horses nighed upon turning them loos, all the flats covered with Water, no tidings of Woolsey yet. the River is Raising and he is at the other side, suffered much pain last night and this morning feal very week just now passing bludy mucas. very sore. Aug. llth. All ar becoming very impatient waiting for Wollsey and something must have hapind that he does not come, he 19. Woolsey went to Fort Goodwin to persuade CoL Rigg to again agree on a joint campaign against the Apaches in the Signal Mountain country. Rigg agreed to participate in the undertaking, but weather conditions prevented operations. Ibid., 270 WAR AND PEACE 119 Eather must have been gobled up by the Indians ; (which I think very improbable) or the party that left us at the head of Black-River must have met him at the fort in which cas he will be delayed in getting down, he was to have met us on the morning of the 9th early. I am afraid that something out of the jeneral course is amiss. Aug. 12th Toe P.M. No Wollsey or any tiding' s from him. I can- not concive what it will come to [,] this delay for nothing that I can concive but an axident or Something or Something of that kind [,] it is raining Stedly with no signs of abatment and most of wet. still it is worm [warm] (Bad calculating this) Raining still, laying here very much against our Wishes, mud and wet and I fear more we shall have an epi- demic among the men. We [t] to day. I to day sent up an express to see if they could hear anything from Woolsey but not one word. 14th. Went up miself could find met with the same result as yesterday. 15th Mooved up to Camp Rigges. Got there about noon, about 3 oc McCannon party came in and I was at once full of business. Friday Gaston Morral was axidintly shot on the Francisco River. 16th. Started to day for home and after much grumbling over getting very short of Grub We concluded to issue one pint per day, started up dry Creek which heads in the Final Mountains and runs nearly East into the San Carlos 2 miles above camp Riges. traveled off prety Smart. McCannons party sufered for want of food and hade a hard time. We crosed the dividing ridge between Final Cr and Dry Creek and camped at water on a small rim making this day 20 miles. 120 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW Aug. 17th. Wenesday, traveled hard all day making our Former camp at the Wheat patch about 2. oc P.M. all tird. day very hot & sultry damp heat, hade a chill, moved on while it was still under way and my bones ached very bad. went from here to Cotonwood Springs over the divide towards Big Horse Canyon, traveled today from Summit Camp to Wheat patch 15 miles from wheat patch to CotonWood Springs 6 miles. Course South of West. Agu 18th Thursday Started early and traviled to Grape Vine Springs 10 miles. Splendid Grass to the north running East & West parralell with Salt River is Signal mountain. This is one of the finest places that I ever saw, very late, travled. In the arftenoon acrost salt River & made the Willow Camp about 10 oc PM. very tird. distance 8 miles from Grape Vine Springs, distance to day 18 miles. Aug. 19th. Friday. Woolsey's command consisted of 93 men. One of the party Moreal was killed by accidental discharge of 0. Allen's gun.20 20. Woolsey reported that his command reached the Agua Fria ranch on the eighty-seventh day from the date of departure, June 1. This sets August 26 as the end of the march homeward WAR AND PEACE 121 PEACE Ammon M. Tenney was a Mormon missionary to In- dians in southern Utah, northern Arizona and in Mexico from about 1858 to 1890. His diaries were given to the Church Historian, Salt Lake City, Utah. A copy of the diaries was procured by the Arizona Pioneers' Historical Society, Tucson, Arizona. The excerpt published here was transcribed from the copy in Tucson. The latter, to all out- ward appearances, is an accurate copy of the original. This excerpt is published without change in punctuation or spell- ing except in a very few instances. A few footnotes have been provided for the benefit of the reader. Mr. Tenney's trip to the Navahos was made two years after they had returned from exile at the Bosque Redondo where they had been removed by the military in 1863-1864. Presumably they had learned to live at peace after that experience, but this diary reveals that trouble with their white neighbors could still occur : IN 1870, there appeared in Kanab, our extreme S. E. set- tlement in Utah a gentleman, Major Powel,1 of Grand Canyon of Colorado notoriety bearing a letter of introduc- tion and friendship to Jacob Hamblin.2 After many days of social relations it was agreed that they travel together to Fort Defiance with a view of mutual protection and to shorten the journey of Major Powel and co. eastward to their homes. They also desired to explore the country and gather information from the various tribes lying along our route. Captain Hamblin had in view a treaty of peace with the Navajoes who had been marauding the southern parts of Utah and had been the cause of bloodshed and the loss of 1. J. W. Powell. Exploration of the Colorado River of the West . . . 1869. . . . Smithsonian Institution, Washington, 1875. 2. Jacob Hamblin was a long time Mormon missionary and trail blazer in the northern Arizona and southern Utah area. For his own story see Jacob Hamblin, A Narrative of his Personal Experience .... Salt Lake City, Utah, 1881. Hamblin gives the date of this trip to the Navaho as 1871, but Tenney is correct in giving the year as 1870. This trip occurred in 1870 when Powell was preparing for his second trip through the Grand Canyon. Frederick S. Dellenbaugh, The Romance of the Colorado River, p. 233 (New York, 1903). 122 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW many thousand head of cattle, horses and sheep, together with the breaking up of all our smaller towns and outstand- ing ranches. We began to make ready our little companies and to organize as well as we could with our meager supplies. It was decided to amalgamate the two small companies so as to relieve Capt. Hamblin and Maj Powell to go farther south in search of the causes of the murder of three Ameri- cans3 who had left Powels company in a former voyage down the Colorado River. Accordingly they mutually agreed to place, in charge of both companies, Ammon M. Tenney to conduct them to the river and there await their arrival. We proceeded to the river carrying on mules enough lumber to make a small boat. This was done by taking two large cottonwood logs and hewing them down to a three inch thickness and a length of 12ft. Each end on the underside schooner shape. On this side we nailed our 8 inch dry lumber and launched it overnight when the dry lumber swolen closed the cracks and with the hurridly provided boat we ferried our camp equipment and men while we swam our horses. This was the first ferry boat made and used on the Colorado. It was at this place and time that we felt the awful sorrow of suspence. We had waited the arival of our Captain and Maj. for three long weeks. At last we fully decided they had fallen prey to the natives of the land. It was mutually decided or agreed upon that Mr. Graves, one of the Powel party, and Ammon M. Tenny would return to the settlement and report this unhappy condition. On arriving at Jacobs Pools we met them bringing Nathan Terry and Elija Potter as young missionaries to the Lamanites.4 The following day we were ferried across 3. William H. Dunn, O. G. Rowland, and Seneca Rowland decided to leave Powell, August 28, 1869, when not far from the end of the journey on the first trip through the Grand Canyon. Suspected of being miners, and miners being troublesome people, the Indians killed them. Powell, p. 130 ; a copy of this story is incorporated in Hamblin, p. 97. 4. Mormon term for the American Indian. See the Book of Mormon. WAR AND PEACE 123 the Colorado at the mouth of the Paria5 creek where we met our [?] found our camp. All were exceedingly rejoiced over our safe arrival. We at once took up our march and on ariving at the Oriba village Major Powel set to work gathering informa- tion of their traditions as to where they came from and how long they had been on the top of these inaccesible Red Rock cliffs In this labor the Major used a native who had been a captive by some other tribe and sold as a slave until he had fallen into the custody of the New Mexico people and had remained a captive for many years. During this time he had acquired the Spanish language and Ammon M. Tenney, who also spoke Spanish became interpreter for Jacob H. One of their ancient traditions was their system of marriage which they regarded as being sacred. The father and male relatives of the espoused daughter always took the bridegroom into a room stript and washed him from head to feet and clothed him in sacred robes made of cotton by their own hands. The mother and female relatives of the bridegroom took the bride washed and dressed her in robes made expressly for such occasion This tradition came down to these people from time immorial [immemorial] and carries an inference of some sacred teaching in the past. While visiting among the different villages of the Mo- quitoes it was made plain that the Navajoes were chafed in their feelings over the loss of those who had robed us and had been the cause of the death of quite a number who had been murdered by them and our local natives. Notwithstanding the Navajoes had robbed us of an immense amount of property and the breaking up of many homes. They paid dearly for all they got in loss of war- 6. Only two places for crossing the Colorado river above the Grand Canyon were known in those days: (1) the crossing of the Fathers (2) "and another a few miles below, at the mouth of the Paria, on a route which has been explored by Jacob Hamblin. ..." Powell, p. 106 124 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW riors who had been slaughtered in every encounter with them. In view of our critical condition it was decided that Maj Powel and Ammon M Tenney with our Oriba inter- preter should precede the company to Fort Defiance and arrange with the Agent, Capt. John C Bennett6 for a meeting of reconciliation with the chiefs. It happened that we had been visited while camping at the villages by a Navajo chief who seemed friendly. This we did not know for the lack of a good under- standing as there was no Navajo interpreter in Navajo. We started and before we had travled two hours there appeared two fine looking young men whose stallions were superb and in fine shape while the silver ornaments heavy and profuse not only decorating their admirable animals bridles, and saddles but also their raiment, hair and fingers, ears and the glitter raidiating in the noonday sun could be seen for miles and on their faces shown a brilliancy that bespoke "We are your friends" while they dropped into line behind us obeying an unwritten law by leaving a distance between us. We consulted our interpreter regarding this strange incident and found his forebodings were beyond control. The Major seemed calm while the writer felt the warning emotions while tremulous and darting vibrations reached every corner of my sensitive make up. We soon reached along our trail one of those sudden decents, which led us into a lower valley while the trail from which we were to descend took a sudden change to the east. From the top of present situation we could see that our trail lay paralell with the elevated bench land and as from an electric thunder cloud on a clear day our ears were saluted by a war (terrible) whoop which reverberated from one corner of this elevation to the next corner which made it appear to us that we were surrounded by an army of our wood be assassins. 6. Captain F. T. Bennet was agent for the Navaho during the fall of 1870 when army management of some tribes was tried temporarily by the government. John C. Bennett is not the correct name. WAR AND PEACE 125 I again consulted our Moque interpreter and noticed that his face was a deathlike hue and around his mouth was covered with froth and his whole appearance was distracted. We dismounted and tightening the girths of our saddles, & examining the condition of my "repeater" and with a prayer on my lips, prepared for death. As I lit in my saddle I saw two warriors leaping from rock to rock toward the scene of action. When I said to my Major "There they come" the first overt act on their part means war to me and I shall sell my life dearly. I loaded my "repeater" and set my triger at half cocked and we took up our march as though nothing had happened (a bold move indeed). There was nothing left for us to do in view of our surroundings. The two behind closed up with us, which at this tragic moment was equal to saying "We also want a hand in dis- patching you and of course in the booty." A few rods brot us within 25 yards of the two raving maniacs who were approaching and at this critical moment our two companions rode quietly around us and in an unusualy mild tone talked to the aproaching two and they reluctantly laid their guns down on the grass & came forward. The Major dismounted and took two sacks of tobacco from his pack. As he pulled them out he held them up to me and said : — "This is the kind of arms I carry. Put your guns down Mr. Tenney. (I was holding my gun ready for action) . He walked over to the two . . . men and slaped each on the shoulder then with a loud and hearty laugh handed them the tobacco. In a very few minutes we were traveling on our course with our two companions in the rear. We crowded our horses with a view to relieve ourselves of the two, who had persistantly held to us and here dear reader allow me to say what I imagine you will say. "How it is possible that you couldn't detect the friendship of the two who followed you and who were probably the means of holding off those other two who evidently were bent on trouble. 7 do not know 126 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW unless it was the result of our unnerved condition, coupled with that other fact that we were watching only for trouble. We camped about 4 P. M. to allow our animals to rest and graze, preparitory to a night ride. Our two companions camped also and at supper we divided our frugal meal with them After resting we caught our animals and began to make ready to depart when for the first time they came and made motions urging us not to go on and here were the first impressions that made us realize their friendliness toward us. The distance to Fort Defiance was still far away so we decided to mount our horses and travel until 11 o'clock. We left the trail and camped in a lonely little opening of the forest in which we had been engulfed for many miles and reached our destination about 9 the next morning. We were cordially received by Capt. Bennett and his aids where we awaited Capt Hamblin and Co. who arrived safey. In the mean time we had formed an agreeable acquaint- ence with the agent John C Bennett and had opened up communication with the principal chief Barbancito he being at the head of all the Navajos. On the arival of Capt Ham- blin a date was attached to the already agreed program upon which to meet. We arrived at 2 P. M. The treaty was hearalded to a nation, and in one of the spacious rooms were seated Major Powel and captain as representatives. Maj. Powel for the U. S Government, Capt. Bennett, agent for the Indians, Capt Jacob Hamblin representing the Mormon people with Ammon M. Tenney as interpreter. The throng was immence. Mr. Bennett told the writer that there were about 8000 on the ground who had gathered to participate in the treaty and to receive their portions delt out to them by the U. S. Government. Major Powel took the iniciative as this was agreed upon before entering the treaty. He recounted the past to them in which sorrows they were the loosers. He pointed out the benefits they were receiving from the U S Govt. He called their attention to the fact that he was sent to establish peace between them WAR AND PEACE 127 and the Mormons, and boldly declared that if they con- tinued their maurading he would order on the army and cut down their trees and not leave one vestige of their (Hogans) homes. Next followed Capt Hamblin who briefly described how they had robbed our settlements, killed our people and de- stroyed small towns — the hard earnings of a peace loving people and while our young men were enraged and wanted to cross that "Big River" and make war on your families, we, the older men wanted to try once more for peace. What shall I tell my people? Shall we live in peace and till the soil, raise cattle, horses, and sheep and be friends? Or shall I go back and tell my people that you want to live like wolves and come prowling around in the night instead of coming like friends? All this was inter- preted to one Captain Sus7 by J. Lorenzo Hubbel8 and in turn by Sus to the Navajos. The Agent came next and took strong grounds for peace. He told them they must sign a document of recon- ciliation. The hour was now late and the commanding Chief Bar- bancito said : — Let us extend our negotiations until tomorrow at which time we will answer. This was granted and on the following day we conveined again, but Oh! the difference of the spiritual atmosphere from the previous day. The excitement of that day was terrible to witness. Their moves, their gestures, their war- like attitude as they rode the very animals they had stolen flaunting them in our faces, like saying to us — here are your horses take them if you can. They laughed and sneered at us carrying a taunt of defiance over us. My feelings were wrought up beyond my power of description. With patience we awaited our time for we knew that our cause was just and that is not all we knew for we knew that the 7. Sus was no doubt a Navaho leader, and a leader or chief was often referred to as captain. 8. John Lorenzo Hubbell was a long time Indian trader in northern Arizona. His story, as told to John Edwin Hogg, has been published in "Fifty Years an Indian Trader," Touring Topics, vol. 22, no. 12 (Los Angeles, December, 1930). 128 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW servants of our Heavenly Father had sent us there and that he would protect us. The chief opened the negotiations and in a dignified but considerate manner went all over the grounds that had been covered by speakers of the previous day and said "We too like you, want peace and earnestly solicit your friendship and then added that they were not able to arrive at what principle to recover the stolen property as it had been traded off and had gone through 4 & 5 innocent hands and on discussing the disagreeable points it was agreed that if they would maintain peace they could keep the animals al- ready stolen and we would forgive them. In a few days we turned our faces homeward — a happy lot of missionaries in knowing that we had accomplished our mission by obtaining peace, notwithstanding I saw them riding my own horses that they had stolen from me in Utah On arriving at the Moqui village we laid over to rest our animals and while there we were visited by other Navajo chiefs who had not been at our treaty in consequence of the distance they lived west of Fort Defiance. These chiefs had been summoned by their superior chief, Barbancito to meet us 85 miles west on our journey so as to sign the "Treaty document." We met with them and held our council of reconciliation in a very large room belonging to the Caseque [Cacique] (King) of these vilagers. These men were much impressed with the results of declaring peace and the prospects of commercial opportuni- ties in the trading of their woolen and excellent home made blankets for our horses. When we got seated they made known to us the object of their visit to us. With a child-like and humble salutation, speaking to Jacob with Ammon M. Tenney as interpreter they said "We have not come to change the splendid treaty already signed and entered into but we have come to cultivate and irrigate this tender plant of peace so that it will grow and bear fruit of a lasting brotherhood, that we may in the oncoming years eat this fruit of peace from one dish, sleep WAR AND PEACE 129 under one blanket and warm ourselves by one fire and teach our children to follow our example, while time lasts. We had, however, gone over our past experiences and at last this out-burst of Navajo oratory flowed from them at the moment of our hearts swelling I interpreted it to Jacob and said — "What shall I say to them" I then discovered that Jacob's emotions were wrought in a most wonderful manner while the tears rolled down from his cheeks in pro- fusion. He said "Go to Tenney you can do it better than I can. Instantainiously I felt the influence of the spirit and I began to speak along the same lines that they had in regards to teaching our children and I taught them the gospel and the pursuits of peace and happiness and within a few minutes these noble sons of father Lehi were all weeping until they had no control of themselves. Two of them came forward picked me up and carried me by main force and danced and sang and shouted all over the room. I soon extricated my self when they went to Jacob and embraced him with their arms and talked in an audible tone of voice and then began to shake our hands and slowly quieted down. As for me, never before had I felt the demonstration of the spirit and power of God as on that occasion. This ended the most successful labors of my association and companionship of 15 years, off and on with that God- fearing man Jacob Hamblin CHECKLIST OF NEW MEXICO PUBLICATIONS By WILMA LOY SHELTON Introduction The publications in this list include all official literature which has been printed and published from 1850 through 1948 by or for the state or of which an edition has been pur- chased by the state for distribution. Aside from Mr. Arie Poldervaart's lists in the New Mexico library bulletin, the New Mexico list in Bowker's State Publications and the titles included in the monthly checklist of state publications, there are no general lists of official New Mexico publications. Al- though there are some documents included in the Checklist of New Mexico imprints and publications, 1784-1876, prepared by the Historical records survey of Illinois, and in the check- lists issued by Grace E. MacDonald and William S. Jenkins, they are too few to be very useful as a guide to documents of the state: Bowker, R. R., State Publication N. Y. Publishers Weekly, 1905, pt. 3 p. 567-576. New Mexican librarian v. 2 no. 2 Dec. 1939, p. 7-8. New Mexico library bulletin v. 10 no. 5 Jan. 1942, p. 11-12; v. 11 no. 1 March 1942, p. 9-11; v. 11 no. 3 Sept. 1942, p. 12; v. 12 no. 3 July 1943, p. 38-40. MacDonald, Grace E., Checklist of legislative journals, Providence, Oxford Press, 1928, p. 156-160; Checklist of Session Laws, N. Y. Wilson, 1936, p. 151-154; Checklist of Statutes, Providence, Oxford Press, 1938, p. 73. Historical records survey, Illinois. Checklist of New Mexico imprints and publications, 1784-1876; Detroit, Michigan Historical records survey 1942, 115p. Jenkins, W. S., Checklist of Legislative Journals of the U. S. of America, Boston, 1943, p. 440-45. "Affairs in the territories were under the direction of the Department of state to the year 1873 at which time their administration was transferred to the Department of In- terior. ... By the act of 1792 the Secretary of state was required to have the laws of the territory printed. . . . The 130 CHECKLIST 131 territorial governments were dependent in large measure upon the Department of state during the greater part of the period and a considerable number of papers relating to them are preserved in the archives of that Department. Many events in the territories, however, have been of such a character that material respecting them are found in the files of other executive departments in Washington. Num- erous papers which form the basis of Indian relations in the early period are found in the archives of the Department of War. . . . The extension of the postal service to the frontier is illustrated by materials found in the Post office files. In the general land office, in the Department of interior, is found a large collection of sources relating to surveying and disposing of the public lands. In the Senate & House files are many original papers, as well as bills, committee reports, and similar materials relating to various aspects of terri- torial affairs. The Manuscript division of the Library of Congress also possesses papers which relate to territorial matters."1 By 1938 most of the records, including the terri- torial papers, formerly held by the Department of State, were transferred to the National Archive.2 The law of 1857 provided for a public printer who was elected annually, by joint ballot of both houses of the general assembly, at such time during the session as the two houses could concur. It was the duty of the Public printer "to print and publish all such public matters as may be entrusted to him by either branch of the legislative assembly, or by any of the civic departments of the territory."3 The office of public printer was abolished in 1907. Since that time each individual department determines its own methods in the procurement of printing. According to the laws of 1937, it is the duty of every board, commission, department, state institution or purchas- ing agent to award contracts for printing to a New Mexico firm. This act does not apply to contracts for printing the 1. Carter, C. E. The territorial papers of the U. S. v. 1 p. vii-viii. 2. U. S. National archives. Guide to the material in the national archives, p. 12, 35-36. 3. General laws of N. M. comp. under direction of L. B. Prince, Albany, Little, 1882. p. 426-426. 132 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW New Mexico Supreme court reports, to any official compila- tion, or to the codification of the laws of the state. The official head of each state office, commission, depart- ment or institution is required to file three copies of each publication with the librarian of the Supreme Court Library, who must deliver to the librarian of the Museum of New Mexico one copy of each publication received (Laws of 1931, chap. 154) . An act relating to the filing of public documents and requiring documents to be filed in order to be effective was passed in 1947. Officials having charge of the reports of the Supreme court and of the published statutes or session laws of this state are required to transmit copies of each vol- ume as issued to the following parties : "1 copy to the Attor- ney general of the U. S. ; 1 copy to each of the Justices of the United States Supreme Court ; 5 copies to the Librarian of the Supreme Court of the United States ; 5 copies of the reports of the Supreme Court of New Mexico and 8 copies of the stat- utes or session laws of this State to the Library of Congress ; 1 copy to the United States District Attorney for New Mex- ico and each of his assistants ; 1 copy to the Attorney General of New Mexico and each of his assistants; 1 copy to each District Attorney in this State and each of their assistants ; 1 copy to each Board of County Commissioners; 1 copy to each Probate Judge ; 1 copy to each District Judge in this State ; also, where any other state or territory will supply the State Law Library of this State with one or more copies of the Supreme Court or other Appellate Court reports and the statutes or session laws of such state or territory, the officials above mentioned are required to transmit ... an equal number of copies of the reports of the supreme court of this State and of statutes or session laws of this State ; 1 copy to the United States District Judge for New Mexico; and 1 copy each to the judges of the United States Circuit Court of Appeals in the Tenth Judicial Circuit. Provided that such copies of reports and statutes supplied to officials within the State remain the property of the State of New Mexico and must be delivered by said officials to their successors in office and provided that the Supreme Court may by order dis- tribute its report in addition to those herein specified to CHECKLIST 133 State and Federal officials and institutions." "The officer or employee of this State having- charge of the publication of the public documents hereinafter mentioned shall transmit the same to the Librarian of Congress for the use of mem- bers of Congress from New Mexico and others interested, if and when printed, as follows : 2 copies each of the biennial budget, of the reports and official opinions of the attorney- general of the state, and of all separate compilations of laws issued by state officers; 1 copy each of the legislative jour- nals and other documents published by order of the state legislature or either house and all reports, bulletins, circu- lars, pamphlets, maps, charts and other official publications of any executive department, office, commission, bureau, board or state institution now existing or hereafter author- ized by law."4 The present study is as complete a listing of the terri- torial and state publications as it is possible to compile at this time. In spite of all attempts toward completeness, it has been impossible to locate all materials. The editor would greatly appreciate any information regarding publica- tions not here recorded and any corrections that should be made. The publications of the state supported educational institutions and those of the agricultural experiment stations have been omitted. The checklist includes titles found in the State Library, the State Museum Library, the state offices, the University of New Mexico Library, and in bibliographies. Information regarding the issuing bodies was secured from the laws of the state. Reports are listed under the name of the issuing body followed by other publications in alphabetical order. If changes in names of the body occur, serial publications are listed under the latest form of name with a reference from earlier forms. Whenever the publications have been mimeo- graphed this information has been indicated.5 4. Laws of 1937. chap. 171 sec. 1-2. Statutes. 1941 compilation, sec. 12-113, 115. 5. Explanation of abbreviations. The following symbols have been used : ( ) Information not on title page — In dates of reports indicates two or more calendar years ? Information uncertain v. Volume P**'/et. 134 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW CONSTITUTIONS Constitutional convention, 1849. Journal and proceedings of convention of delegates held at Santa Fe on the 24th of Sept. 1849 presenting a plan for the civil govern- ment . . . and asking the action of Congress thereon. Washing- ton, 1850. 18, 8p. (31st. cong., 1st. sess., hse. misc. doc. 39) Constitutional convention, 1849. Journal of New Mexico, convention of delegates to recommend a plan of civil government. Sept., 1849. Santa Fe, The New Mexican printing company. 1907. 22p. (Historical society of New Mexico. Publication no. 10) "This is a reprint of Miscellaneous document no. 39, House of representatives, 31st. cong., 1st. sess. The docu- ment is headed, Feb. 25, 1850. Referred to the Committee on territories and ordered to be printed." Constitution of State of New Mexico, 1850. Santa Fe, 1850. 18p. Constitucion del Estado de Nuevo Mejico. Santa Fe, 1850. 19p. Constitution of the State of New Mexico. Santa Fe, 1870. Constitution of the State of New Mexico. Santa Fe, 1872. 44p. Constitucion del estado de Nuevo Mejico, approved Feb. 1, 1872. n. p. n. d. 47p. The constitution of the state of New Mexico, adopted by the Constitu- tional Convention, held at Santa Fe, Sept. 3-21, 1889. Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co. (1889) 21p. Constitution of New Mexico. (Santa Fe, 1889?) 62 leaves. The constitution of the state of New Mexico, adopted by the Constitu- tional Convention, held at Santa Fe, New Mexico, Sept. 3-21, 1889 . . . and amended Aug. 18-20, 1890. (Santa Fe, 1890) 56p. La Constitucion del estado de Nuevo Mexico adoptada por la convencion constitucional, y un manifiesto al pueblo por una comision de la convencion. (Emmendada del 18 al 20 de agosto de 1890) (Santa Fe, 1890?) 48p. Declarations and resolutions submitted to the people of the territory of New Mexico at their statehood convention, held at Albuquerque, Oct. 15 and 16, 1901, demanding a state form of government from the Congress of the United States. (Albuquerque? 1901) (4) p. New Mexico's struggle for statehood; sixty years of effort to obtain self government, by L. Bradford Prince. First ed. Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1910. 128p. La Constitucion del estado de Nuevo Mexico; adoptada por la Conven- cion constitutional, tenida en Santa Fe, desde octubre 3, a Noviem- bre 21, de 1910. (Santa Fe, 1910) 41p. The constitution of the State of New Mexico. Adopted by the Constitu- tional convention, held at Santa Fe, N. M. from October 3 to November 21, 1910. (Santa Fe? 1910) 41p. The constitution of the state of New Mexico. Adopted by the constitu- tional convention, held at Santa Fe from October 3 to November CHECKLIST 135 21, 1910. (Santa Fe, 1910) 41p. At head of title: Supplement to New Mexican review Constitution of New Mexico. Message from the President of the United States, transmitting copy of the constitution of New Mexico with formal approval thereof, and recommending the approval of the same by Congress. . . . Washington, Govt. print, oif., 1911. 47 p. (61st cong. 3d sess. sen. doc. 835) Referred to the Committee on the territories and ordered printed, Feb. 24, 1911. Includes the certificate of the canvassing board for the constitution, which was submitted to the people of the territory on Jan. 21, 1911. Adopted with 31,742 votes for and 13,399 against Proceedings of the Constitutional convention of the proposed state of New Mexico held at Santa Fe, October 3rd, 1910, to November 21st, 1910. Albuquerque, Press of the Morning Journal, 1910. 292p. Procedimientos de la Convencion constitucional del propuesto estado de Nuevo Mexico, tenida en Santa Fe, Nuevo Mexico, octubre 3, 1910 hasta Noviembre 21, 1910. East Las Vegas, N. M., The Optic publishing company, 1911. 312p. New Mexico constitutional convention book; containing photographs and biographical sketches of the members who were elected by the voters of New Mexico and who attended the convention in Santa Fe, N. M. Oct. 3 to Nov. 21, 1910. Peterson, n. d. 98p. Rules of the Constitutional convention formed for the purpose of framing a constitution for the proposed state of New Mexico. 1910. Santa Fe, New Mexican printing company, 1910. 15p. Constitution of New Mexico. Full text of the document as finally adopted by the convention. Des Moines, N. M. 1910. (8) p. At head of title: Supplement to the Swastika, Des Moines, N. M., Dec. 2, 1910. Constitution of the state of New Mexico adopted by the constitutional convention held at Santa Fe, N. M. from Oct. 3 to Nov. 21, 1910. Santa Fe, 1910. 68 leaves. One of a few lithographed copies with facsimile signature of the officers and members of the convention. Annotated constitution and Enabling act of the state of New Mexico, comprising the Enabling act for the territory of New Mexico, ap- proved June 20, 1910; the constitution of the state of New Mexico, adopted by the Constitutional convention, November 21, 1911, ratified by the people at the election therefor, January 21, 1911 ; the act of Congress for admission to statehood, approved August 21, 1911. Annotated and indexed, compiler . . . Arthur G. Whit- tier. Santa Fe, Whittier, 1911. 174p. The constitution of the state of New Mexico, adopted by the Constitu- tional convention held at Santa Fe, New Mexico from October 3 to November 21, 1910, and as amended, November 6th, 1911. Pre- pared for publication, in English and Spanish, by secretary of state. Santa Fe, La Voz del pueblo print, 1912. 105p. In English and Spanish. 136 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW The constitution of the state of New Mexico. Adopted by the constitu- tional convention . . . 1910, and as amended November 6th, 1911, and November 5, 1912. Prepared for publication, in English and Spanish, by Secretary of state. Santa Fe, 1914. 68p. Inserted: Constitutional amendments . . . 1914. Constitution of the state of New Mexico, 1915. Santa Fe, 1915. 79p. The constitution of the state of New Mexico. Adopted by the constitu- tional convention . . . 1910, and amended November 6th, 1911, November 5, 1912, and November 3, 1914. Prepared for publica- tion by the Secretary of state. Santa Fe, 1917. 81p. New Mexico constitution, 1931-32. n. p. n. d. 38p. The constitution of New Mexico, ratified 1912 and as amended to January 1, 1934. Issued by the secretary of state, Mrs. Marguerite P. Baca. Santa Fe (New Mexican publishing corporation, 1934) 30p. The constitution of the state of New Mexico. As amended by the people in general election 1912 to 1936. Prepared under supervision of Mrs. Elizabeth F. Gonzales, secretary of state (Santa Fe; 1936?) 71p. The constitution of the state of New Mexico. As amended by the people in general election 1912 to 1939. Prepared under supervi- sion of Mrs. Jessie M. Gonzales, secretary of state (Santa Fe; 1939) 72p. The constitution of the state of New Mexico. As amended by the people in general election, 1912 to 1941. Prepared under supervision of Mrs. Jessie M. Gonzales, secretary of state (Santa Fe? 1941?) 70p. The constitution of the state of New Mexico. As subsequently amended by the people in general election, 19;12 to 1944. Prepared under supervision of Mrs. Cecilia Tafoya Cleveland, Secretary of state (Santa Fe, 1945) 72p. CHECKLIST 137 OFFICIAL PUBLICATIONS OF NEW MEXICO New Mexico was visited by the Spaniards, 1536 ; subject to Spain, 1598-1821; part of the Mexican Republic, 1821- 1846; ceded by Mexico to U. S. 1848, and under American military rule, 1846-1850 ; as a state Jan. 6, 1912. Adjutant general's office. Appointed by the governor; makes reports as may be required by the governor; issues all orders from the com- mander-in-chief, has charge of the militia under the governor and serves as quartermaster-general, commissary general and inspector general in time of peace. It is the duty of the Adjutant general and his staff to train, supervise and administer the activities of all military forces in the state and to maintain the records of all men and women who have served in the armed forces from New Mexico. There has been an Adjutant general since 1861, but before 1881 the office had been largely ornamental and social. Max Frost (1881-83) accomplished a little, but nothing of any conse- quence was in evidence until the appointment of Col. E. L. Bartlett, who served from March 1, 1883, to Nov. 1899.1 By an act of the Legislature Feb. 12, 1941, the New Mexico State Guard was organized to replace the National guard, which had existed under one name or another since the days of Kearny. They were utilized as a portion of the expedition into Cuba during the Spanish-American War, where the New Mexico volunteers were a part of Roosevelt's Rough Riders, were used in the Mexican border trouble in 1916 and played a notable part in World War I and II. Report of Edward L. Bartlett . . . March 1, 1882 to Jan. 1, 1884. Santa Fe, 1884. 87p. (E&S) also in Official reports. 1882-83. p. 62-144. Reporte bienal de al Ayudante general, 1887/88 (E. L. Bartlett) Santa Fe, 1890. 17p. (covers Dec. 7, 1886-Dec. 15, 1888) Biennial report of the adjutant general (E. L. Bartlett) of New Mexico for the years 1887 and 1888; with roster of troops. Santa Fe, 1889. 15p. Dec. 15, 1888-Dec. 31, 1890 (E. W. Wyncoop) 1. Twitchell, R. E. Leading facts of New Mexican history v. 5. p. 363. 138 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW Jan. 1, 1891-Dec. 31, 1892 17p. (W. S. Fletcher) Jan. 1, 1892-Dec. 31, 1894 16p. (G. W. Knaebel) Jan. 1, 1894-Dec. 31, 1896 25p. (G. W. Knaebel) Jan. 1, 1898-Dec. 31, 1898 (W. H. Whiteman) (E&S) lOp. also in House and Council Journal, 1899, and in Appendix to Mes- sage of Governor M. A. Otero to the 33d legislative assembly, 1899. "Exhibit" F p. 185-191. Jan. 1, 1900-Dec. 31, 1900 (W. H. Whiteman) in Message of M. A. Otero to the 34th legislative assembly, 1901 "Exhibit" G p. 155-169. Jan. 1, 1902-Dec. 31, 1902 12p. (W. H. Whiteman) Also in appendix of Message of M. A. Otero to the 35th Legis- lative assembly, 1903. "Exhibit" K lip. Jan. 1, 1903-Dec. 31, 1904 (W. H. Whiteman) Also in appendix to the Message of M. A. Otero to the 36th Leg- islative assembly, 1905. "Exhibit" K 13p. Jan. 1, 1905-Dec. 31, 1906 13p. (A. P. Tarkington) Also in appendix to Message of H. J. Hagerman to the 37th Legislative assembly, 1907. "Exhibit 9" Nov. 11, 1913-Nov. 30, 1914 47p. (H. T. Herring) Nov. 30, 1914-Nov. 30, 1916 41p. (H. T. Herring) Nov. 30, 1916-Nov. 30, 1918 72p. (H. T. Herring) Nov. 30, 1918-Nov. 30, 1920 (J. B. Baca) 1920-1921 (J. B. Baca) mimeo 1921-1922 (H. R. Brown) mimeo Dec. 1924-June 30, 1926 16p. (V. J. Jaeger) July 1, 1926-Dec. 30, 1928 118p. (W. G. Halthusen) Code of military laws of the state of N. M. p. 85-118 June 30, 1929-June 30, 1930 21p. (W. G. Halthusen) mimeo Jan. 31, 1931-Dec. 31, 1931 12p. (0. C. Wood) None published 1934-1935 Jan. 1, 1935-Dec. 31, 1935 27p. (R. C. Charlton) mimeo None published 1936-1945 May 1, 1946-Dec. 31, 1947 6p. (C. G. Sage) Title varies slightly. Report year irregular Circular June 20, 1865. Santa Fe, 1865 Circular, 1868. Santa Fe, 1868. 8 nos. Circular letter no. 1. Santa Fe, Feb. 1, 1897. Ip. Distances from Kansas City to Santa Fe. Santa Fe, 1864. 19p. Distribution of troops serving in the District of New Mexico Santa Fe, Q. M. print, 1871. Broadside 17^x12 in. General orders 1862-68. Santa Fe, 1862-68, 72 nos. Index to general orders, general field orders and circulars of the District of New Mexico 1882-83. Santa Fe, Acting assistant general's office, 1881-83. 49 leaves Military defense map of New Mexico. 1931. CHECKLIST 139 New Mexico National guard code. Santa Fe, 1941. 40p. mimeo New Mexico State guard; its purposes and functions, by Brig. gen. Ray Andrew. 7p. Official register of New Mexican volunteers. Santa Fe, John T. Rus- sell, 1862. 3p. Organization and minutes of encampments . . . for the years 1883-4-5. Las Vegas, J. A. Carruth, 1885. Roster of troops serving in the District of New Mexico. Santa Fe, Acting assistant adjutant general's office, 1872-1881. 10 pams. Synopsis of Indian Scouts and their results for the year 1863. Santa Fe, 1864. 16p. Table of distances published for the information of the troops, serving in the District of New Mexico . . . Acting assistant Adjutant general's office, headquarters, District of New Mexico. Santa Fe, Jan. 1, 1878. 27p. Table of distances; published for the information of the troops serving in the District of New Mexico, with remarks and information necessary for the camping parties. Rev. ed. Santa Fe, 1881. 29p. Attorney general. Established in 1846; legal advisor of all state officials and district attorneys ; represents the state in all cases before the Supreme court to which the state is a party; prepares forms for contracts, bonds and other legal instruments re- quired for state use. The office was declared vacant from Feb. 14, 1880 to June 22, 1881. The office was abolished and the office of Solicitor general was created Feb. 15, 1889 and was discontinued March 16, 1905, at which time the Office of Attorney general was recreated. Informe del procurador general desde marzo 7, 1898, hasta Diciembre 26, 1898. Santa Fe, Compania impresora del Nuevo Mexicana, 1899. 7p. (E. L. Bartlett) Biennial report of the Solicitor general. March 7, 1898-Dec. 26, 1898 (E. L. Bartlett) in Message of M. A. Otero to the 33d Legislative assembly, January 16, 1899. "Exhibit E" p. 181-184. in House and Council Journal, 33d session, 1899. "Exhibit E" p. 181-184. Dec. 27, 1898-Dec. 27, 1900 (E. L. Bartlett) in Message of M. A. Otero to the 34th Legislative assembly, January 21, 1901. Exhibit "F" p. 149-153. Dec. 27, 1900-Dec. 27, 1902 (E. L. Bartlett) in Message of M. A. Otero to the 35th Legislative assembly, January 19, 1903. Exhibit "C" 9p. 140 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW Dec. 27, 1902-Dec. 27, 1904 (G. W. Prichard) in Message of M. A. Otero to the 36th Legislative assembly, January 16, 1905. Exhibit "C" 6p. (E. L. Bartlett died Oct. 1904; G. W. Prichard appointed March 16, 1905, and held office untilJune 1, 1906) Biennial report of Attorney general. Dec. 27, 1904-Dec. 27, 1906 (W. C. Reid) in Message of H. J. Hagerman to the 37th Legislative assembly, Jan. 21, 1907. Exhibit 4. 51p. 1907-1908 — no report or opinions published. Report . . . Santa Fe, 1912-1948. 20v. March 20, 1909-Feb. 15, 1912 241p. (F. W. Clancy) Feb. 15, 1912-Dec. 31, 1912 contains "Special report on State boundary" Jan. 15, 1912-Dec. 31, 1913 355p. (F. W. Clancy) Jan. 1, 1914-Dec. 31, 1914 293p. (F. W. Clancy) Jan. 1, 1915-Dec. 1, 1916 477p. (F. W. Clancy) Jan. 1, 1917-Dec. 31, 1918 213p. (H. L. Patton) Jan. 1, 1919-Dec. 31, 1920 242p. (O. 0. Askren) Jan. 1, 1921-Dec. 31, 1922 248p. (H. S. Bowman) Jan. 1, 1923-Dec. 31, 1924 174p. (M. J. Helmick) Jan. 1, 1925-Dec. 31, 1926 91p. (J. W. Armstrong) (J. W. Armstrong died Jan. 1926; F. E. Wilson appointed by Governor.) 1927-28 never published Jan. 1, 1929-Dec. 31, 1930 263p. (M. A. Otero, Jr.) Jan. 1, 1931-Dec. 31, 1932 181p. (E. K. Neumann) Jan. 1, 1933-Dec. 31, 1934 164p. (E. K. Neumann) Jan. 1, 1935-Dec. 31, 1936 146p. (F. H. Patton) Jan. 1, 1937-Dec. 31, 1938 283p. (F. H. Patton) Jan. 1, 1939-Dec. 31, 1940 150p. (F. M. Sedillo) Jan. 1, 1941-Dec. 31, 1942 295p. (E. P. Chase) Jan. 1, 1943-Dec. 31, 1944 383p. (C. C. McCulloh) Jan. 1, 1945-Dec. 31, 1946 309p. (C. C. McCulloh) Jan. 1, 1947-Nov. 1, 1948 191p. (C. C. McCulloh) Title varies: Reports and opinions, 1909-24; Annual report and official opinions, 1925-26; Opinions, 1929-30; Report, 1931 to date. Opinions of Charles P. Cleaver, Attorney general for New Mexico, upon the question "Whether or not, the Hon. W. F. M. Arny is by law the Secretary of New Mexico at this time" given to the House of Representatives now in session Dec. 20, 1866. Santa Fe, Manderfield and Tucker, New Mexican office, 1867 (13p.) also in Journal of the House of Representatives. 1866 p. 95-114. CHECKLIST 141 Auditor. Established in 1846 ; the accountant of the state ; passes upon the legality of expenditures of various state agencies. Report Nov. 15, 1853-Nov. 15, 1854 (H. L. Dickinson) in Diario del Consejo, 1854/55 Nov. 15, 1860-Nov. 15, 1861 (A. De Marie) in Journal of House, 1861 p. 23-37 Nov. 15, 1861-Nov. 15, 1862 (Demetrio Perez) in Diario del Consejo, 1862 p. 157-59 Nov. 16, 1862-Nov. 15, 1863 (M. E. Pino) in Journal of the House, 1863 p. 28-40 Nov. 16, 1863-Nov. 15, 1864 (M. E. Pino) in Journal of the House, 1864 p. 32-48 Nov. 16, 1864-Nov. 15, 1865 (M. E. Pino) in Journal of the House, 1865 p. 325-334 Nov. 16, 1865-Nov. 15, 1866 (Epifanio Vigil) in Journal of House, 1866 p. Nov. 16, 1866-Nov. 15, 1867 (Epifanio Vigil) Nov. 16, 1867-Nov. 15, 1868 (Epifanio Vigil) in Diario de la Camara, 1868-69 p. 53 Dec. 16, 1881-Dec. 31, 1883 (Trinidad Alarid) in Official reports. 1882/83. Dec. 16, 1886-Dec. 15, 1888 37p. (Trinidad Alarid) Dec. 16, 1888-Dec. 3, 1890 56p. (Trinidad Alarid) Dec. 3, 1890-Dec. 3, 1892 50p. (Demetrio Perez) Dec. 4, 1892, Dec. 1, 1894 87p. (Demetrio Perez) Dec. 2, 1894-Nov. 28, 1896 96p. (Marcelino Garcia) Dec. 1, 1896-Dec. 3, 1898 91 p. (Marcelino Garcia) also in Message of Gov. M. A. Otero to the 33d Legislative assembly, Jan. 16, 1899. Exhibit "A" p. 3-91 Dec. 5, 1898-Dec. 1, 1900 55p. (L. M. Ortiz) also in Message of Gov. M. A. Otero to the 34th Legislative assembly, Jan. 21, 1901. Exhibit "B" p. 59-113 Dec. 1, 1900-Nov. 30, 1902 63p. (W. G. Sargent) also in Message of M. A. Otero to the 35th Legislative assembly, Jan. 19, 1903. Exhibit "B" 63p. Dec. 1, 1902-Nov. 30, 1904 58p. (W. G. Sargent) also in Message of M. A. Otero to the 36th Legislative assembly, Jan. 16, 1905. Exhibit "B" 58p. Dec. 1, 1904-Nov. 30, 1906 75p. (W. G. Sargent) also in Message of H. J. Hagerman to the 37th Legislative assembly, Jan. 21, 1907. Exhibit 2. 75p. Dec. 1, 1906-Nov. 30, 1908 53p. (W. G. Sargent) Dec. 1, 1908-Nov. 30, 1911 39p. (W. G. Sargent) 142 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW Dec. 1, 1911-Nov. 30, 1912 16p. (W. G. Sargent) Dec. 1, 1912-Nov. 30, 1914 36p. (W. G. Sargent) 1-2 fiscal year Dec. 1, 1914-Nov. 30, 1916 40p. (W. G. Sargent) 3-4 fiscal year Dec. 1, 1916-Nov. 30, 1918 40p. (W. G. Sargent) 5-6 fiscal year Dec. 1, 1918-Nov. 30, 1920 44 p. (Edward Sargent) 7-8 fiscal year Dec. 1, 1920-Nov. 30, 1922 69p. (E. L. Safford) 9-10 fiscal year Dec. 1, 1922-Nov. 30, 1924 84p. (J. N. Vigil) 11-12 fiscal year Dec. 1, 1924-June 30, 1926 47p. (M. A. Otero, jr.) 13-14 fiscal year July 1, 1926-June 30, 1928 94p. (M. A. Otero, jr.) 15-16 fiscal year July 1, 1928-June 30, 1930 145p. (V. Ulibarri) 17-18 fiscal year July 1, 1930-June 30, 1932 164p. (A. Velarde) 19-20 fiscal year July 1, 1932-June 30, 1934 176p. (A. Velarde) 21-22 fiscal year July 1, 1934-June 30, 1936 210p. (J. O. Garcia) 23-24 fiscal year July 1, 1936-June 30, 1938 187p. (J. 0. Garcia) 25-26 fiscal year July 1, 1938-June 30, 1940 235p. (E. D. Trujillo) 27-28 fiscal year July 1, 1940-June 30, 1942 245p. (E. D. Trujillo) 29-30 fiscal year July 1, 1942-June 30, 1944 286p. ( J. D. Hannah) 31-32 fiscal year July 1, 1944-June 30, 1946 262p. (J. D. Hannah) 33-34 fiscal year Triennial, 1909/11; annual, 1911/12; biennial, 1912/14-Report year irregular. 1936/38 report has Supplement to Auditor's biennial report, 25th and 26th fiscal year. Classification of counties. Santa Fe, 1938. Informe del intendente territorial . . . 1853/54; 1861/62; 1867/68; 1881/83; 1886/88. Board of cosmetology. Created in 1937 to supervise and regulate the cosmetol- ogy and beauty culture industry of the state ; may act as a mediator and arbitrator whenever necessary. An act to regulate the occupation of hairdressers and beauty culturists . . . 1937. Santa Fe, 1940. 36p. Board of dental examiners. Created in 1893 ; examines all persons not registered on the books of the Board. Report April 17-18, 1903 Ip. (C. N. Lord) in Report of the Governor of New Mexico to the Secretary of the Interior. 1903 p. 644 April 17, 1903-June 4, 1904. 5p. (C. N. Lord) in Message of M. A. Otero ... to the 36th Legislative assembly. Jan. 16, 1905. Exhibit "A4" 5p. CHECKLIST 143 May 22, 1905-Jan. 1, 1907. (C. N. Lord) in Message of H. J. Hagerman ... to the 37th Legislative assembly. Jan. 21, 1907. Exhibit 21. 6p. Annual minutes of the Board for fiscal year July 1 to July 1. v. p. 1940- typewritten June 26-29, 1940 Albuquerque June 23-26, 1941 Santa Fe June 15-19, 1942 Santa Fe 1943 Santa Fe June 19-22, 1944 Santa Fe June 26-29, 1945 Santa Fe June 24-28, 1946 Santa Fe April 2-5, 1947 Santa Fe Each includes the annual report for the fiscal year. Application for license to practice dentistry in the state, n. p. n. d. (2) p. Official act creating a Board of Dental examiners, and regulating prac- tices of dentistry in the state of New Mexico. Chapter 37 of 1929 Compiled laws as amended by Chapter 62, Laws of 1937. n. p. n. d. (H)p. Official list of dentists registered in New Mexico for the year ending June, 1915-date. issued annually Rules adopted by the Board of dental examiners. Deming, n.d. 3p. Board of embalmers. Established 1909 ; regulates the practices of embalming, issues licenses and renewals. Circulars no. 1-16; April 1, 1932-May 15, 1947. Laws, rules and regulations governing embalmers; preparation and transportation of dead human bodies, and a list of embalmers holding a valid license, n. p., 1920. 14p. 1929 1931 44p. The laws, rules and regulations governing embalmers preparation and transportation of dead human bodies. Regulations of Bureau of public health, n. p., 1935. 1937 40p. Santa Fe, 1940 43p. Laws of 1947 for State Board of embalmers and Funeral directors. 17p. (Chap. 71) New Mexico licensed embalmers valid until April 1, 1941. 8p. The rules governing embalmers, preparation, and transportation of dead human bodies. Tucumcari, 1920. (18) p. The rules governing embalmers, preparation, and transportation of dead human bodies. 1929. 144 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW The rules governing embalmers, preparation and transportation of dead human bodies and list of embalmers holding a valid license. 1931 (12) p. Board of equalization. Created in 1893 ; classified property for purpose of taxa- tion ; had very little power except in the matter of railroads and collateral properties; had been powerless in territorial days to correct the inequalities which had existed for many years. Report 1897-98 (D. C. Hobart, pres., T. Hughes, sec.) in Council and House journals, 1899 p. 266-267. in Message of M. A. Otero to the 33d Legislative assembly. Jan. 16, 1899. "Exhibit M" p. 266-267. Jan. 1901 (J. W. Poe, sec. p. t.) in Message of M. A. Otero to the 34th Legislative assembly. Jan. 21, 1901. Exhibit "N" p. 315-18. Sept. 1901-Nov. 30, 1902. (J. S. Duncan, pres., V. Jaramillo, sec.) in Message of M. A. Otero to the 35th Legislative assembly. Jan. 19, 1903. Exhibit "F" 8p. Jan. 1903-Nov. 30, 1904. (V. Jaramillo, sec.) in Message of M. A. Otero to the 36th Legislative assembly. Jan. 16, 1905. Exhibit "F" 9p. Jan. 11-15, 1904 Ip. (J. S. Duncan, pres., V. Jaramillo, sec.) Sept. 1905 Ip. (J. S. Duncan, pres., V. Jaramillo, sec.) Sept. 10-14, 1906 Ip. (J. S. Duncan, pres., V. Jaramillo, sec.) Jan. 8, 1906 Ip. (J. S. Duncan, pres., V. Jaramillo, sec.) Jan. 14, 1907 Ip. (J. S. Duncan, pres., V. Jaramillo, sec.) Sept. 9-12, 1907 Ip. (J. S. Duncan, pres., R. J. Palen, sec.) Sept. 14-17, 1908 Ip. ( J. F. Hinkle, pres., R. J. Palen, sec.) Sept.13-16, 1909 lOp. (J. F. Hinkle, pres., B. Spitz, sec.) Jan. 10, 1910 Ip. (J. F. Hinkle, pres., J. M. Cunningham, sec.) Jan. 9, 1911 Ip. (J. F. Hinkle, pres., E. P. Jones, sec. p. t.) Sept. 11-12, 1911 Ip. (J. F. Hinkle, pres., B. Spitz, sec.) Sept. 9-27, 1912 23p. (W. C. McDonald, pres., W. G. Sargent, sec.) includes adjourned session for Oct. 7, 21, 1912 Jan. session, 1913 18p. (F. W. Clancy, pres., Howell Ernest, sec.) March session, 1913 (4) p. (F. W. Clancy, pres., Howell Ernest, sec.) July session, 1913 78p. (F. W. Clancy, pres., Howell Ernest, sec.) Jan. session, 1914 (F. W. Clancy, pres., Howell Ernest, sec.) July session, 1914 35p. (F. W. Clancy, pres., Howell Ernest, sec.) Title varies: Report 1898-1904; Proceedings, 1904-1914. CHECKLIST 145 Reporte del cuerpo territorial de igualamiento por los anos fiscales 48vo y 49 vo. Enero 14, 1898. Santa Fe, 1899. 5p. (Resolutions passed at the January session, 1913) (Santa Fe, 1913) (3)p. Values fixed by the board on various classes of property subject to taxation for the ensuing year. Jan. 1899. Board of examiners for architects. Created in 1931 ; issues certificates. Annual report of the New Mexico Board of examiners for architects for the examination and registration of architects in the state of New Mexico. Santa Fe, 1932- June 25, 1932-August 5, 1933 9p. (W. M. Brittelle) mimeo. Contains laws for 1931. Aug. 5, 1933-June 20, 1934 4p. (J. G. Meem) mimeo. June 30, 1934-Sept. 29, 1935 5p. (J. G. Meem) mimeo. Jan. 1937-April 30, 1938 (15) p. (A. W. Boehning) Contains By-laws, Rules and regulations, Registration law. (Laws of 1931 creating a State Board of examiners for architects. Santa Fe, 1931) 6 leaves (Typewritten) Rules and regulations of the State Board of Examiners for architects of New Mexico. (Santa Fe, 1931) 5 leaves (Typewritten) New Mexico architectural law; 1941 Statutes annotated. Art. 14. n. p. n. d. 8p. Board of exposition managers. Acts of 1897, 1915 provided for maintenance of exhibits. Informe de los comisionados por Nuevo Mejico a la exposicion cen- tenaria e internacional de Tennessee, 1899. Santa Fe, Compania Impresora del Nuevo Mexicano, 1899. 8p. (J. J. Leeson, secretary) Report 1897-98 (J. J. Leeson) in Message of M. A. Otero to the 33d Legislative assembly. Jan. 16, 1899. "Exhibit J" p. 251-59) (Report on Transmississippi exposition and Tennessee Centen- nial and international exposition) Reporte de los Comisionados de la exposicion Trans-Mississipiana, 1899. Santa Fe, Compania Impresora del Nuevo Mexicano, 1899. 7p. New Mexico, the land of opportunity . . . official data on the resources and industries of New Mexico — the sunshine state. (Albuquerque, A. E. Koehler, jr., c!915) . 84, 240p. Official souvenir of the state of New Mexico at Panama-Califor- nia exposition, San Diego, 1915. New Mexico, the land of opportunity. Official data on the resources and 146 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW industries of New Mexico — the Sunshine state. Albuquerque, N. M., Press of the Albuquerque morning journal, c!915. 84, 240p. Official souvenir of the state of New Mexico at Panama-Califor- nia exposition, San Diego, 1915. Editor's foreword signed: A. E. Koehler, jr., editor and publisher. Board of Louisiana, purchase exposition managers. Created in 1901 ; repealed in 1903 ; re-established March 19, 1903 ; discontinued March 4, 1905. Report 1902 (Thos. Hughes) in Message of M. A. Otero to the 35th Legislative assembly. Jan. 19, 1903. Exhibit "J" 5p. May 18, 1903-Dec. 31, 1904 (W. B. Walton) in Message of M. A. Otero to the 36th Legislative assembly. Jan. 16, 1905. Exhibit "J" 7p. The land of sunshine ; a handbook of the resources, products, industries and climate of New Mexico ; compiled and edited by Max Frost and Paul A. F. Walter. Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1904. 299, (3) p. Cover-title: To the land of sunshine. Originally com- piled and published by authority of the territorial Bureau of immigration. To this edition is added an introduction in regard to New Mexico's exhibit at the Louisiana purchase exposition. Board of optometry. Established in 1905; gives examinations and issues cer- tificates of registration. Report April 17, 1905-Nov. 30, 1906 (0. G. Myhre) in Message of H. J. Hagerman to the 37th Legislative assembly. Jan. 21, 1907. Exhibit 48. 6p. New Mexico law approved March 11, 1929. n. p. 1929. (17) p. Reissued 1938 (19) p. Includes list of optometrists registered to practice in the State of New Mexico; revised August 1, 1936. Board of osteopathy. Established in 1905 ; issues certificates to those eligible to practice osteopathy. Report April 3, 1905-Nov. 30, 1906 (G. A. Wheelon) in Message of H. J. Hagerman to the 37th Legislative assembly. Jan. 21, 1907. Exhibit 37. 6p. CHECKLIST 147 Constitution and by-laws of the Board of Osteopathy of New Mexico n. p. n. d. 8p. (N. M. Laws, statutes, etc. Laws of 1905 chap. 68) Board of pharmacy. Established in 1889 ; registers pharmacists. March 20, 1898-Dec. 1, 1898 v. 9 (W. C. Porterfield) in House and Council journal, 1899 "Exhibit O" p. 271-290. in Message of M. A. Otero to the 33d Legislative assembly Jan. 16, 1899. "Exhibit 0" p. 271-290. Previous reports have usually been confined to typewritten re- ports to the governor only. in Report of the governor of N. M. to the Secretary of the in- terior. 1899. p. 271-276. Oct. 17, 1900-Dec. 1, 1900 v. 11 (W. C. Porterfield) in Message of M. A. Otero to the 34th Legislative assembly; Jan. 21, 1901. Exhibit "Q" p. 339-344. Jan. 15, 1902-Nov. 30, 1902 (W. C. Porterfield) in Message of M. A. Otero to the 35th Legislative assembly. Jan. 19, 1903. Exhibit "R" 4p. Oct. 17, 1902-March 10, 1903 (A. J. Fischer) in Report of the Governor of N. M. to the Secretary of the In- terior. 1903 p. 645-46. Aug. 1902-Nov. 30, 1904 (A. J. Fischer) in Message of M. A. Otero to the 36th Legislative assembly. Jan. 16, 1905. Exhibit "R" 6p. July 11, 1904-Jan. 14, 1907 (A. J. Fischer) in Message of H. J. Hagerman to the 37th Legislative assembly. Jan. 21, 1907. Exhibit 22. lip. Informe anual del Cuerpo de Farmacia de Nuevo Mejico, con abstractos del Registrado; Leyes de farmacia. Hasta Diciembre 1, 1898. Santa Fe, Compania Impresora del Nuevo Mexicano, 1899. 21p. New Mexico pharmacy and food and drug laws. Albuquerque, N. M. Pharmaceutical association, 1935. 18p. New Mexico pharmacy and food and drug laws. N. M. State Board of Pharmacy, 1942. 30p. Board of water commissioners. Established in 1907; appointed; held hearings and de- termined appeals from the actions and decisions of the State engineer. Board was abolished in 1923. Report . . . Nov. 30, 1914. (Santa Fe, 1914) 7p. Scott Etter, president. Irrigation laws of the State of New Mexico with an index of decisions of the State board of water commissioners and of opinions ren- 148 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW dered by the Attorney general ; comp. by the State board of water commissioners, March 19>14. . . . Santa Fe, The Eagle print, (1914) 67p. Scott Etter, chairman. Irrigation laws of the State of New Mexico, with an index of decisions of the State board of water commissioners and of opinions rendered by the Attorney general ; comp. by the State board of water com- missioners, March, 1914. . . . Carlsbad, Argus book and job office (1914) 66p. Bureau of child welfare. Established in 1921 under Board of public welfare; in 1935 N. M. Relief and Security authority was established to integrate the various forms of relief ; this agency admin- istered the welfare program for dependent children, child welfare services, etc. until the passage of the public welfare act of 1937, which created the Department of public welfare. Biennial report Dec. 1, 1921-June 30, 1922 v. 1 (M. Reeves) Dec. 1, 1922-June 30, 1924 v. 2 9p. (M. Reeves) mimeo. Dec. 1, 1924-June 30, 1926. v. 3 34p. (M. Reeves) Bulletin no. 1 The organization of the State child welfare work, by Mon- tana Hastings. Santa Fe, 1921. 32p. Child welfare news. Santa Fe, 1925-1931? Bureau of immigration. Established Feb. 15, 1880 ; organized April 15, 1880. Biennial Report Feb. 27, 1882-Feb. 16, 1884. 16p. (E&S) also in Official report, 1882/83 in Informes oficiales, 1882/83 p. 3-18 June 12, 1889-Dec. 31, 1890. 12p. (Max Frost) April 1897-Dec. 31, 1898. (Lorion Miller) in Message of M. A. Otero to 33d Legislative assembly. Jan. 16, 1899. "Exhibit K" p. 260-261. in Council and House Journal, 1899. "Exhibit K" p. 260-261. Jan. 1, 1899-Dec. 1, 1900. (Max Frost) in Message of M. A. Otero to 34th Legislative assembly. Jan. 21, 1901. Exhibit "L" p. 298-311. Dec. 1, 1900-Nov. 30, 1902. (Max Frost) in Message of M. A. Otero to the 35th Legislative assembly. Jan. 19, 1903. "Exhibit H" 8p. CHECKLIST 149 Dec. 1, 1902-Nov. 30, 1904. 8p. (Max Frost) also in Message of M. A. Otero to the 36th Legislative assembly. Jan. 16, 1905. Exhibit "H" 15p. Dec. 1, 1904-Nov. 30, 1906. (Max Frost) in Message of H. J. Hagerman to the 37th Legislative assembly. Jan. 21, 1907. Exhibit 23. 19p. Informe del Euro de immigracion desde Abril, 1897, hasta enero 1898. 4p. Informe del bufete de immigracion por 1899 y 1900. 14p. Bulletin no. 1 no. 2 Agriculture and horticulture. 1898. 47p. no. 3 Santa Fe county 1901. 43p. no. 4 no. 5 no. 6 no. 7 no. 8 San Miguel county. 1901 39p. no. 9 Grant county. 1901 40p. no. 10 no. 11 Socorro county. 1901 24p. no. 12 no. 13 Lincoln county. 1902 30p. no. 14 San Juan county. 1902 40p. no. 15 Union county. 1902 12p. no. 16 Guadalupe county. 1902 24p. no. 17 Sierra county. 1902 40p. no. 18 Taos county. 1902 39p. no. 19 Mora county. 1902 24p. no. 20 McKinley county. 1902 12p. no. 21 Rio Arriba county. 1902 23p. no. 22 Santa Fe county. 1902 55p. no. 23 Valencia county. 1902 32p. no. 24 Coif ax county. 1902 48p. Bernalillo county, a description of the smallest and richest county of New Mexico. (Santa Fe, N. M.) 1906. 45p. Bernalillo county, New Mexico. The most populous and wealthiest of New Mexico counties. (Santa Fe) J. S. Duncan (1903?) 32p. Bernalillo county, New Mexico. The richest and most populous county in the Sunshine territory. Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1901. 24p. The Central Rio Grande Valley of New Mexico, with a sketch of the counties of Bernalillo, Sandoval and Valencia, a magnificent em- pire of 10,000 square miles, rich beyond estimate in natural resources; by H. B. Hening . . . (Albuquerque? 1908) 48p. 150 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW Chaves County, New Mexico. An imperial domain with a magnificent stock range . . . Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1901. 24p. Climatology and mineral spring of New Mexico — health and pleasure resorts. . . . Santa Fe New Mexican printing co., 1900. lOOp. Cover-title : Climate is fate ; New Mexico, the health resort of the continent. Coif ax County, New Mexico, known because of its tremendous resources as the kingdom of Colfax. (Albuquerque) 1910. 36p. Coif ax County, New Mexico. One of the richest counties in the territory of New Mexico. Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1902. 48p. (Its Bulletin, no. 24). Compilation of facts concerning the Pecos Valley. Resume of the im- provement being made in southeastern New Mexico, embracing the magnificent Pecos Valley . . . Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1891. 20p. Condensed compilation of facts concerning the territory in answer to numerous inquiries. (Santa Fe, 1880?) 8p. Dona Ana County, her people and resources by Albert J. Fountain, commissioner. Las Cruces, Rio Grande Republican print, 1885. 20p. Dona Ana County in New Mexico, containing the fertile Mesilla Valley, garden spot of the great Southwest, where modern irrigation is now being brought to its highest development. Comp. by Dr. R. E. McBride. . . . (Albuquerque?) 1908. 54p. Dona Ana County, New Mexico. The fertile Mesilla Valley-mineral wealth in the Organ, San Andreas and Black mountains — a mag- nificent range, ideal climate. The garden spot of New Mexico. . . (Santa Fe) J. S. Duncan, 1904. 48p. Dry farming in New Mexico, by J. D. Tinsley. Albuquerque, 1909. 20p. Eddy County, New Mexico. Home of the Carlsbad project of the Na- tional reclamation service and of the greatest artesian wells on earth. . . . Santa Fe, 1908. 48p. Eddy County, New Mexico. The most southeastern county in the terri- tory. . . . An ideal agricultural, horticultural and stock country. (Santa Fe) J. S. Duncan, (1903?) 55p. Epitome of the economic geology of N. M. by Fayette A. Jones. Albu- querque. By Direction of the N. M. Bur. of Immigration, 1908. 47p. Facts and figures concerning New Mexico. . . . Santa Fe, New Mexi- can printing co., 1891. 20p. Farming by irrigation in New Mexico, n. p., 1897. 76p. Grant County, New Mexico. Rich in gold, silver, copper . . . and other minerals. Thousands of cattle on a thousand hills. Advanced, enter- prising, prosperous . . . Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1901. 40p. (Its Bulletin no. 9) Guadalupe County, New Mexico. Leads in sheep industry. . . . Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1902. 24p. (Its Bulletin, no. 16) Ho! To the land of sunshine, comp. by Max Frost, Santa Fe, n. d. 42p. CHECKLIST 151 Ho ! to the land of sunshine . . . comp. and written by Max Frost and Paul A. F. Walter; 2nd ed. Santa Fe, n. d. 446p. (200 illus.) Ho ! to the land of sunshine . . . comp. and written by Max Frost and Paul A. F. Walter. Santa Fe, n. d. 46p. Ho! to the land of sunshine; a guide to New Mexico for the settler and the immigrant. The public lands and the laws under which they can be obtained — general information for the homeseeker. . . . Max Frost, secretary. 3d rev. ed. (Santa Fe) 1906. 51p. Ho! to the land of sunshine: a guide to New Mexico for the settler and the immigrant. The public lands and the laws under which they can be obtained. General information for the homeseeker; 5th rev. ed. Albuquerque, 1907. 54p. Ho! to the land of sunshine: a guide to New Mexico for the home- seeker. Public lands and the laws and regulations under which they can be obtained. General information for the settler and immi- grant; 7th rev. ed. (Albuquerque?) 1907. 70p. 10th rev. ed. Albuquerque, 1909. 54p. Ho! To the land of sunshine; a homeseekers' guide to New Mexico; 12th ed. revised to March 1, 1911. 60p. How I cured myself of consumption in New Mexico, by Roscoe C. Bonney; edited by Max Frost. 25p. Illustrated New Mexico; Hon. William G. Ritch; 3d ed. Santa Fe, New Mexican printing and publishing co., 1883. 140p. Illustrated New Mexico, by Hon. William G. Ritch; 4th ed. Rev. and enl. Santa Fe, New Mexican printing and publishing co., 1883. 140p. with N. M. Ter. Official reports. Santa Fe, 1884. Illustrated New Mexico, historical and industrial, by Wm. G. Ritch . . . 5th ed. Rev. and enl. Santa Fe, Bureau of immigration, 1885. 234p. The land of sunshine, a handbook of the resources, products, industries and climate of New Mexico. Comp. and ed. by Max Frost and Paul A. F. Walter. Santa Fe, J. S. Duncan (1904) 299p. The land of sunshine ; a handbook of the resources, products, industries and climate of New Mexico. Comp. and edited by Max Frost and Paul A. F. Walter. Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1906. 445p. on cover : 2d ed. The land of sunshine ; a handbook of the resources, products, industries and climate of New Mexico. Pub. under and by the authority of the New Mexico Board of managers of the Louisiana purchase exposition. Comp. and ed. by Max Frost and Paul A. F. Walter. Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1904. 299p. Originally comp. and pub. by authority of the territorial Bureau of immigration. To this edition is added an introduction in regard to New Mexico's exhibit at the Louisiana purchase exposition. Leonard Wood County, New Mexico. A leader in the stock industry. . . . (Santa Fe) J. S. Duncan, (1904?) 31p. Formed in 1903 from parts of Guadalupe and Valencia counties. 152 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW Lincoln County, New Mexico. Principally a mining and stock country, possessing also beautiful orchards, fertile farms . . . and other attractions and resources. . . . Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1902. 30p. (Its Bulletin no. 13) Lincoln County, New Mexico. . . . (Albuquerque?) 1909. 28p. Luna County, New Mexico. For many years one of the great stock growing divisions of the land of sunshine — now being invaded and reclaimed by the homebuilder. . . . (Albuquerque?) 1908. 32p. Luna County, New Mexico. One of the leading stock and range sections of the Southwest; a heavy mineral producer and a railroad center. . . . (Santa Fe) J. S. Duncan, (1903?) 32p. McKinley County, New Mexico. The leading coal producer. . . . Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1902. 12p. (Its Bulletin no. 20) Mines and minerals of New Mexico, with some reference to the geologi- cal associations in the various camps of the territory. . -. . Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1901. 136p. The mines of New Mexico. Inexhaustible deposits of gold and silver, copper, lead, iron and coal. A mineral area unequaled in any state or territory for the extent and value of its mines. . . . Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1896. 80p. Mora County, New Mexico. Productive and picturesque. One of the richest agricultural sections. . . . Santa Fe, New Mexican print- ing co., 1902. 24p. (Its Bulletin no. 19) New Mexico . . . Fall edition, 1886. Santa Fe, (1886) 24p. New Mexico . . . Winter edition; ed. by H. C. Burnett. Las Vegas, J. A. Carruth, 1889. 48p. New Mexico, its resources and advantages. 1881 New Mexico. Its resources, climate, geography and geological condition. Official publication of the Bureau of immigration, ed. by Max Frost. . . . Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1890. 216p. New Mexico. Its resources, climate, geography, geology, history, statis- tics, present condition and future prospects. Official publication of the Bureau of immigration. Arranged, comp., and ed. by Max Frost, secretary of the bureau. Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1894. 343p. New Mexico mines, a storehouse of precious and base ores and minerals. Review of mining activity in the territory. (Santa Fe? 1904?) 56p. New Mexico mines. A storehouse of precious and base ores and min- erals. Review of mining activity in the territory. (Santa Fe, 1906?) 56p. New Mexico the coming country! Facts and figures, by the Bureau of immigration. (Santa Fe, 1890?) 8p. (With its New Mexico. Its resources. . . Santa Fe, 1890) New Mexico mines and minerals by Fayette Alexander Jones. Pub. by the Bureau of immigration of New Mexico under and by per- mission of the author. (Santa Fe) 1905. 349p. CHECKLIST 153 New Mexico: an attractive field for mining investment by Fayette A. Jones. Albuquerque, 1909. (4) p. New Mexico. The resources, development and prospects of a great terri- tory. Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1895. 48p. Pertinent facts, practical information, reliable figures in regard to New Mexico. Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1895 48p. Quay County, New Mexico. A new county which excels in range and live stock industry. Traversed by three railroads. (Santa Fe) J. S. Duncan, (1903?) lip. Report for Colfax county by Harry Whigham. Santa Fe, Era South- western, 1880. 13p. Report as to Grant county. . . . W. H. Lawrence, Commissioner. Silver City, W. Cardnell, 1881. 31p. Report as to Mora county. . . . William Kroenig, Commissioner. Las Vegas, Daily Gazette, 1881. (7) p. Report as to Rio Arriba county. . . . Samuel Eldodt, Commissioner. Santa Fe, New Mexico book and job printing dept., 1881. 4p. Report as to Socorro County; this report was prepared by M. Fischer and Antonio Y. A. Abeytia, commissioners. . . . Socorro, Socorro Daily News office, 1881. 8p. Report as to Taos County. Santa Fe, 1881. lip. Report of Dona Ana County by Albert J. Fountain, commissioner. Santa Fe, New Mexican print, 1882. 34p. Report of San Miguel County by G. W. Prichard, Commissioner. Santa Fe, New Mexican print, 1882. 16p. Report of San Miguel County by G. W. Prichard, Commissioner. Las Vegas, Carruth & Layton, 1882. 30p. Report of the commissioner of immigration for Colfax county by Harry Whigham. Santa Fe, 1880. 13p. Report on Bernalillo County. June 22, 1881. William C. Hazeldine, Commissioner. New Albuquerque, Daily Journal book and job office, 1881. 31p. Second annual report on Bernalillo county (April 20, 1883) William C. Hazeldine, Commissioner. Albuquerque, New Mexico Daily journal steam printing house, 1883. 27p. Report to the Bureau of immigration of New Mexico by Theo. C. Camp. Santa Fe, New Mexico book and job printing department, 1881. lip. At head of title : Taos county Resources of New Mexico. Prepared under the auspices of the Bureau of immigration, for the Territorial fair, to be held at Albuquerque, N. M. October 3d to 8th, 1881. Santa Fe, New Mexican book and job printing department, 1881. 64 (i. e. 68) p. (an extra leaf, paged 12a-12b, and an unpaged leaf are inserted between p. 12 and 13) Contains Chronological annals of New Mexico p. 13-45 and Official register of 1881. (1882?) 32p. 154 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW Resources of New Mexico. New Albuquerque, 1881 Rio Arriba County, New Mexico. Great agricultural resources — large areas of timber lands. . . . Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1902. 23p. (Its Bulletin no. 21) San Juan County, New Mexico. An ideal agricultural section with plenty of water for irrigation and land for homeseekers. Written by Granville Pendleton. (Santa Fe) 1906. 69p. San Juan County, New Mexico. The best watered of all the counties of New Mexico. A typical agricultural and horticultural section in the arid West. . . . Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1902. 40p. (Its Bulletin no. 14) San Juan county in New Mexico. A land of abundant water and deep, rich soil, ideal climate and generous return for labor, land of opportunity for the homeseeker. Albuquerque, Albuquerque morn- ing journal, 1908. 48p. San Juan county, New Mexico ; its resources, agricultural, horticultural and mineral, climate, schools, etc. comp. by Women's auxiliary com- mittee. World's Columbia exposition for San Juan county. Chicago, Rand McNally & co., printer, 1893. 14p. San Miguel county, New Mexico. . . . Compiled under the direction of the Commercial club of Las Vegas. Edited by George A. Fleming, secretary. Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1907. 83p. San Miguel county, New Mexico. An empire in itself. One of the greatest wool growing and agricultural sections in the territory. . . . Santa Fe, New Mexican printing company, 1901. 39p. (Its Bulletin no. 8) San Miguel County, New Mexico, larger in area than many of the states, offering all forms of agriculture, vast mineral wealth and a perfect climate. (Albuquerque? 1908) 64p. San Miguel county; illustrated. Its health, wealth, resources and ad- vantages. Prepared for the World's Exposition at New Orleans in 1884-85, by T. B. Mills, First ed. Las Vegas, Carruth, 1895. 50p. Sandoval County, New Mexico. Stock raising, agriculture and mining are its diverse industries. . . . (Santa Fe) J. S. Duncan, (1903?) 21p. Santa Fe: ancient and modern; including its resources and industries with numerous illustrations and a map of the county. Edited by W. G. Ritch. Adolph Seligman, Commissioner of immigration for Santa Fe co. Santa Fe, 1885. 3p. Santa Fe County, New Mexico. Albuquerque, 1909. 66p. Santa Fe County. The heart of New Mexico, rich in history and resources. Written by Max Frost and Paul A. F. Walter. . . . ( Santa Fe) 1906. 145p. Santa Fe county, N. M. Magnificent and health giving climate, a fine agricultural and fruit section, stock raising, mining of precious metals and coal among its leading industries. Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1901. 43p. (Its Bulletin no. 3) CHECKLIST 155 Santa Fe County, New Mexico. Magnificent and health giving climate. . . . Santa Fe, New Mexican printing company, 1902. 55p. (Its Bulletin no. 22) Sierra County, New Mexico. Rich in gold and silver. Leads in Angora goat raising. . . . Santa Fe, New Mexican printing company, 1902. 40p. (Its Bulletin no. 17) Socorro County, New Mexico. The largest and the richest in resources of New Mexico counties. (Santa Fe) J. S. Duncan, 1904. 36p. (Earlier edition pub. as no. 11 of its Bulletin) Socorro County, New Mexico. The largest county in the territory. Possesses great mineral riches. Stock ranges as large as a Euro- pean kingdom. . . . Santa Fe, New Mexican printing company, 1901. 24p. (Its Bulletin no. 11) Taos County, New Mexico. A beauty spot. Rich in gold, copper and other minerals. . . . Santa Fe, New Mexican printing company, 1902. 39p. (Its Bulletin no. 18) Union County, New Mexico. A prosperous and growing section. Lead- ing in the sheep industry. . . . Santa Fe, New Mexican printing company, 1902. 12p. (Its Bulletin no. 15) Valencia county, New Mexico. Great undeveloped resources — agricul- ture, horticulture, stock raising, precious minerals. . . . Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1902. 32p. (Its Bulletin no. 23) (To Be Continued) Notes and Documents The following letters are a continuation of the Reverend Ashley correspondence printed in the REVIEW, January, 1949 : Oct. 5, 1887 I have now entered by 72nd year. I have much to be thankful for. I retain all my senses almost as acute as ever, but soon tire. I do at times a little carpentering work, or painting around my house, but soon tire at it and am not so ready to take long journeys as I was; but I have to take one the last of this week. I shall have to be up on Sat- urday morning at 2:30 to take the railway to Carthage, a small mining town 96 miles, where there are many English and Scotch miners. I shall not reach there until 10:30, as I have to change roads on my way. That day I shall visit from house to house: and on Sunday preach twice. They have had no preaching for months. I leave there at 4 o'clock on Monday for San Antonio, where I shall have to wait three hours for a train and reach Solono at 8:30 P. M., here to make my way about Mission work etc. I shall leave Solono on Tuesday at 10/45 A. M. for Belen 47 miles, where I am superintending the building of a school house for Mexican children; stay there until noon the next day, then leave for Los Lunas 10 miles to see how the Mexican School is getting along with its new teacher, and leave there for home at 11:45 that night and get home about 12:45. That will end the trip. Our Schools in the Mexican villages are doing good work and we have openings for more than we have funds to support. The priests are bitter against them and it is hard work to get them started, but when we get the children interested, the priest cannot keep them away. It is trying work for the teachers, they cannot live as the Mexicans do on (Chili con Carne) mutton stewed in red pepper, and their bread is hoosed, so they have to teach and board themselves and have no agreeable society. My eldest daughter (Mrs. Rood) has taught 3 years at Los Lunas, she got at last so nervous she had to leave, greatly to the regret of children and people. . . . Dec. 31, 1887 The first six days of this month, we had Mr. Hammond the reviv- alist here and since then we have had every day a morning and evening service, and apparently great good has been done, not so much in converting of sinners, as the quickening of all protestant Churches. It has been a saying that New Mexico was beyond the saving grace of God and indeed it has appeared as if it was, for it is the wickedest part of the U. S. A. The native population with very few exceptions, are all Catholics and they may be guilty of the worst and vilest of sins, if only they pay 156 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 157 their Church dues and the priests are very little better than the people. Worse than many. Then those that come from elsewhere, a large part of them are the worst elements of society, so that there has been a depressing influence on the better ones and that has come as they have to meet and do business with all kinds. But we hope these meetings will have a lasting influence for good. I was obliged to leave here on the 23rd for Carthage. There I married a Scotch lad and lass on the 24th, preached on the 25th and attended and spoke at the Christmas Tree on the 26th, it being put off until that date on account of the wedding and I did not get back here until nearly 1 o'clock on the morn- ing of the 28th and had to preach that evening. On our way up, near midnight an attempt was made to stop and rob our railway train. It was frustrated by the fireman knocking the leading robber off the train by a lump of coal and the engineer putting on steam. This frightened the others and they jumped from the train. We have a great many worthless creatures in this country, unwilling to work and when they are obliged to, they spend what they get on whiskey. No steady industrious man need to idle. There is work to do; next door to me live two men who have recently come from Canada and they both have steady work. It is the worthless only who are tramps here. Yet I am thankful that I came to this Country when my children were young, for they have a better education than they could have had in England and better opportunities and I feel no anxiety about them. Everyone wonders at my holding out so well, think I am only about 60, when I am in my 72nd year. . . . Feb. 24, 1888 I am afraid you will have but few more letters of my travels. I do not have the ambition to travel, I once had. Last Sunday I got the Presbyterian Minister to go to Carthage 96 miles away to preach and I stayed and preached in his Church, morning and evening. It was a change for him and a rest for me. As I cannot therefore give you an item of travel, I give you two extracts from the Quarterly report of one of our Missionaries amongst the Mexicans. They send their reports to me, that I may see how they are doing and I then send them with such remarks as I think good to our Home Missionary Society in New York City, as they trust me to look after their Mexican Mission work. I do not think it advisable to change their field, but have just made one, bringing one in from 75 miles W and placing him in Old Albuquerque, and sending one from Old Albuquerque to work out west. These two men are Mexicans, one from Old Mexico. They can speak English, but not enough to preach in it, and you would be amused if you saw some of their efforts to write in English ; they put as we say sometimes, the cart before the horse, and use high sounding words that they pick out of the dic- tionary. They are good sincere Christians and do their best to enlighten their benighted fellow countrymen. 158 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW Besides the Mexican Missionaries, I have four schools and with five teachers in the Mexican Villages to look after. These teachers are all well educated ladies from the Eastern States. There are no Mexican women that can teach, not one in twenty can read and write. We have had beautiful weather ever since Christmas until the last three days, and it has been on these days windy with light showers of rain in the Valley but the Mountains around us have on them several feet of snow and where the clouds lift and the sun shines on them, they are very beautiful to see. We have a Cockney here, so I see a London paper every week. Extract — As the mode of celebrating Christmas by the Mexican people is quite different from the people in the East, perhaps a little description of it may be quite interesting to you. For nine nights before Christ- mas, fires were built in front of most of the houses in town and each night a procession of women marched along the street, the leaders carrying an image which they call the Ninos Dios (child God) and as they moved along sung a song about St. Mary asking lodging for her child. On Christmas Eve the procession composed mostly of women carrying lanterns, came up the street, the Nino Dios, lying in a cradle over which was an arch of artificial flowers. As the procession stopped in front of a house a woman came out carrying hot coals of fire on a shovel and knelt down in front of the idol and offered incense to it and then went back into the house; the procession then came up to the door chanting a hymn asking lodging for the Nino Dios, but from within came the response that the house was full and that there was no room for the child. They then proceeded to another house, where the same performance was gone through, until they came to one where they were admitted and the idol was placed on an altar prepared for it and then they all knelt down and worshipped the image. I went then to the Church, where another part of the people were singing praises to Joseph and Mary and the Child. About 10 o'clock a stalwart Mexican in full Commanche Indian dress entered and taking his bow and arrows from his back, threatened to shoot the image of the Child. Several persons told him not to shoot and one young lady knelt down in front of the image, while the leader of the singers explained to the Indian that the Child was the King of Kings and Lord of Lords, and that the Angels and Archangels did him reverence. The Indian then kissed the image of the Child and left. I left soon after and had just got home, when I heard a great noise, and going out saw what seemed to be a number of Indians chasing a woman (our next door neighbor) and all of them followed her into the house, the woman had stolen the image from the house I mentioned first, and they had chased her to recover it, and recovering it they had a grand dance. The image was afterward taken back to the house from which it was stolen and then they danced again, I suppose for joy. NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 159 Extract 2 About two years ago, the wife of a young Mexican left him. His mother took an idol which she worshipped and hid it and said, she would not bring it out again until her son's wife returned. Perhaps the image did not like to be hid, for about two months since, the way- ward wife returned to live with her husband again; then the mother- in-law brought the idol out of its hiding place, and danced through the street with it until she came to the house of an intimate friend, which she entered with the image; the people present then all knelt down with her and gave thanks to the image for bringing back the wayward wife. Postscript to letter. You have in these a specimen of the superstition and idolatry of the natives here and the priests keep them so. ... June 18, 1888 I do not remember which wrote last you or I, but as you like to hear of my travels, and I have been traveling some the last 3 months, I thought I would write for your entertainment. In March our Home Missionary Society appointed me as its general Missionary and acting superintendent of its Missions in the two territories of New Mexico and Arizona. Either one of them is larger than England, Scotland and Wales put together; so that I have under my care a vast amount of territory, but I am sorry to say not many Mission Stations. We cannot get good men for the work. I sometimes wish I could come to England and pick out a few. I left here March 24th at 7 A. M. for Carthage 96 miles by rail- way, preached there twice on the 25th, then on Monday 26th left there about 1 P. M. for White Oaks 90 miles. We had a stage full of passengers. We first crossed a range of low Mountains, then came to a vast shady plain, called the journey of Death, because so many had perished on it for want of water. But 12 miles from Carthage a man has dug a well near 90 ft. deep and here we watered horses and took water ourselves. This was the first place where a human being lived. We had not got more than three miles from there, when it commenced snowing and when we got to the next house 32 miles from Carthage at 9 o'clock at night, the snow was 6 inches deep. At this place we took supply, changed horses and at 10 o'clock were away on our route. The snow and darkness hid everything around us and the driver must have been well acquainted with the road, or he would not have found his way over the Mountains and Lava beds. About 5 in the morning we reached the next stage station being about 7 hours going 30 miles. At that time it was blowing heavy gale and the snow blinding so we got breakfast and waited till 7 o'clock when there appeared a lull in the storm. We had not got more than 5 miles when it awoke again in all its fury. To make it worse, the track was covered with snow 160 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW so deep, it was impossible to see where to drive. Remember this is a wild country, where there are no regular roads, and often deep ruts it was so dangerous to get into. Into one of these ruts at last we sank and it did seem as though we should have to remain there until the storm was over, if we lived so long. The gale was furious, the snow blinding, and the cold intense and no house or help for many miles. This was at an altitude of about 8000 ft. above sea level, hence the cold. After about two hours hard work we at last got out of the rut and on our way, and at about 1 o'clock came to the first farm house. Here we had to stop and feed the horses, for they were about worn out. While waiting here the wind went down and the storm cleared off and it became pleasant overhead. The roads, however, were bad and the snowdrift heavy. We rested here until about 4 P. M. and then started for the rest of our journey, 12 miles, which we reached between 7 and 8 P. M. being thus 30 hours on our journey of 90 miles. It was the hardest and roughest journey, I have ever had in my life. I had intended to start back on Thursday night the 29th. I preached on Wednesday night, but on account of fatigue and bad roads, waited until Monday April 2nd. I preached twice and addressed the Sunday School on Sunday and left for home at 7 A. M. on Monday. It was a very pleasant morning and the evidence of the storm was all gone except water and mud holes here and there. We rode along nicely, saw thousands of cattle grazing here and there, and the Mountain tops in different directions covered with snow which they had been all the winter. Near noon we came to the first stage station. Here we got our dinner and changed horses. Soon we came to a scene, which would have filled you with amazement. At some previous his- tory of the world, a volcano had belched out a black stream of lava, which had flowed down the Valley 30 miles or more and was from two to five mile wide. As it had cooled it had broken up into thousands of fantastic shapes, with deep pits and hollows, with rough rugged edges, that neither man or beast could cross except in one place. There it was so rough that passengers generally preferred to walk the two miles across, rather than ride, for indeed it was dangerous for the stage in places. Having crossed this we had about 15 miles of plain, then came to the Oscuro (dark) Mountains, then it was a climb up and down, thro' narrow passages and steep places such as you in England could not conceive, that it was possible for a stage to go up or through. I must say that even with my experience in some places I was nervous. Well, at about 6 P. M. we reached the end of the days journey and stopped at a stage station, which was hid in the foothills of the Mountain, far from any other house. Here I took the opportunity of cutting some cacti for walking canes. I wish I had the opportunity of sending some to you, they would be a novelty. We stayed there until 7 o'clock the next morning, and for a miserable supper, bed and breakfast paid 6/. NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 161 When off, in a few miles we were clear of the Mountains and again upon the "journey of death." For about 12 miles not a living thing to be seen as far as the eye could reach except now and then a bird. We then came to the well 12 miles from Carthage, here after watering our horses and filling our water bottles, we leisurely con- tinued our journey, reaching Carthage in time to take the railway train and reached home at 1 o'clock the next morning. Except soreness and stiffness I did not seem the worse for the journey there, but I have felt its effects since. April 8th I preached twice in Albuquerque; on the 15th led the Y. M. C. A. meeting at 4 p. m. and gave an address in its interest in the Presbyterian Church at 8 P. M. Then on the 16th, took the railway to Cubero 72 miles. Was met at the station by one of our Mexican preachers, who took me to the village 5 miles. Here, after enquiring into the progress of the work and ordering an additional room to be built to the Mission Houses, I was ready for the next morning. The next morning, the Mexican preacher taking me in his wagon, we started for San Rafael. For the first 12 miles the road (for natural roads, that is roads, the hand of man has never done anything to) was good. The weather was fine and the scenery all around grand. At the end of the 12 miles, we struck into the spurs of the Mountains and amongst the Lava beds called here Mai Pais (badland) and we were three and a half hours going 13 miles. It was so rough at times, it was pleasanter to walk than ride. At my journey's end I was very tired. The scenery was very attractive and at different places the shepards were attending to the lambing of the sheep, and the antics of the young lambs was often amusing. At the end of the journey we had a pleasant reception from our Missionary and Missionary teachers. They suffer a great deal of persecution from the wicked old Roman priest. We had to go to another house to sleep and the beds were so infested with bugs, that neither my Mexican brother or I got a wink of sleep all night, and in the morning was ill prepared for the 32 mile wagon road before me but had to take it. The first five miles was tolerably good, then 20 very good and at the end of that we expected to find water; but the springs were dry and we had to eat our lunch without drink. The rest of the road was tolerable except where we had to climb up one side of the spur of a Mountain and down the other. Two miles from our journey's end we called on a wealthy Mexican. He was busy attending to his lambing and shearing sheep. He has about 50,000 sheep. He told me that he lost 5,000 by the severity of last winter. The lowest part of his sheep range is over 7,000 ft. above sea level and the Mountains in it run over 12,000 ft., so the winters here are often severe and there are heavy falls of snow. Reaching the vil- lage, we made inquiry about the Mission and School work and some arrangements for the future, then had to preach to a full house, headaching for want of sleep the previous night and the fatigues of travel. I was not in fit condition to do it, cut therefore the sermon 162 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW short and gave my Mexican time to speak in Spanish. The next day rode 27 miles in the wagon to the railroad. Had to wait there 8 hours for the Cars, then 95 miles on them to Albuquerque, which we reached at 10 o'clock next morning. So ends the second journey. The third was an uneventful one to Carthage and return 192 miles by railroad; preached there twice April 29th and returned home on the morning of May 1st. May llth left for my fourth and last journey. Reached Los Lunas 21 miles by railroad at 8:30 A. M. Visited the School, teacher and some friends; left by next train for Belen 10 miles, enquired into School matters, ordered some improve- ments on the Schoolhouse and left at 8 o'clock next morning for Deming 31 3 miles, which we reached at 4 P. M. — Addressed the Sunday School and preached twice at Deming on the 13th. Left on Monday at 3:30 P. M. for Benson 177 miles, reached at 10:30 P. M. Paid here 4/. English for night lodging and 2/. for a very poor breakfast. I then left for Tucson, Arizona 53 miles. Got to our Missionaries, where I got good entertainment. This place is near the borders of old Mexico, one of the oldest places in the United States ; about half the population are Mexicans. Preached on Wednesday night and attended a Chinese singing School. They sang gospel hymns, some in Chinese, some in English, and seemed to enjoy it. There were about 15 Chinamen present. Left on Thursday night for Deming, which I reached on Friday morning. It was a hard night's ride, could not get any sleep at all. On the 19th I attended a Sunday School picnic at Deming, addressed the Sunday School and preached there twice on the 20th. I left on Monday 21st at noon for Socorro, on my way home, which I reached at 8 P. M. and then home the next day. On this trip I traveled over 900 miles by railroad. The scenery was not so grand as that described in my previous trips so I have not tried to describe it. In the two months taken for these journeys, I have traveled 1264 miles by railroad, and 270 by stage and wagon. I preached 17 times, gave three Sunday School addresses and attended 8 prayer meetings. This was too hard work for an old man nearly 72 years of age and I have come home worn out. My zeal has outrun my discretion and I have been confined to the house and part of the time in bed, for over 3 weeks. But, I am getting better, but knowing that while I was under com- mission from the Missionary Society, I should be tempted to enter on other journeys, I have sent in my resignation and intend to try and take it easier the rest of my life. I therefore consider these journeys will end my travels, so I have given you a full account of them, as I am not likely to have any more such to give you. This is a long letter and I have taken several days to write it and written a piece at a time, as I have been able to sit up to do it. I have no disease on me, only broken down with travel, exposure 3. Deming is closer to 200 miles from Belen. NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 163 and cold. The Doctor thinks that with care, I should gather strength and be good for years to come. But let the Master call me when He may, I trust I shall be found ready. I cannot say that death has any terrors for me, for I have hope beyond the grave. I have nothing to boast of in my 54 years service. I might have been more faithful and true, but I know He will not leave me in my old age. Altho we are not likely to see each other in the flesh, I hope to meet with you and the rest upon the Shining Shore. Dec. 7th, 1888 I was very sick after I wrote you in June. . . . As you are inter- ested in my travels I will try to describe my journey to Colorado and back. Leaving here at 1:40 A. M. July llth we reached the Glorieta Divide of the Rocky Mountains at 5:30, altitude 7,537 ft., a deep valley on our left and the Mountains rising several thousand feet higher on our right. Through the valley runs the Pecos River and by it about 20 miles further on, and about 5 from the railroad is the ruins of what is believed to be the oldest Church in America, built nearly 400 years ago. Tradition says that the Pueblo Indians came to this place from the Great Salt Lakes led by Montezuma, he riding on the back of an Eagle. Here the first Spanish explorers found them and compelled them at the point of the sword to be Baptized and to build the church. A tragic scene enacted some time after, a few miles further on, on a high isolated Mountain top. Some Spaniards fled to the top from a band of Indians. The Indians surrounded the Mountain and kept them there, until they starved to death, and this is pointed out to the passen- gers on the railroad, as Starvation Point. At 9 A. M. we reached Las Vegas 132 miles from Albuquerque. Here my son Walter's wife met me, with a well filled lunch basket (he had gone on before me to Colorado) for I could not stop off. From Glorieta to Las Vegas we had a down grade of over 1000 ft. and the grade continued to 5,839 ft. Then we began to ascend the Raton Mountains, crossed the line 261 miles from Albuquerque into Colorado, passed through a tunnel into Raton Pass at an altitude of 7,861 ft. Then we descended 1827 ft. in about 20 miles reaching Trinidad at 3:40 P. M. I was by this time so worn out, that I had to leave the train for a rest, which I did until 8 P. M. I then took the Denver and Rio Grande narrow gauge railroad for Denver 251 miles, reaching there at 7:45 the morning of the 12th. This was an all night ride and a miserable one. The coaches were narrow and uncomfortable and full of passengers and I made up my mind I would not return by that railroad. At 8 A. M. I took the railroad to Golden, 18 miles and there found my daughter waiting for me with carriage and two horses and soon we were on the road to her home 11 miles, reaching there in time for dinner. The scenery was grand the whole way from Albuquerque to Trinidad. The rest of the journey being by night I did not see, but I 164 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW am told by those who have travelled over it in the day time, that it is very grand. I came back to Trinidad by another road by night so cannot well describe that country. West of Trinidad are the Spanish Peaks, 3 Mountains over 13,000 ft. high, and other Mountains may be seen from there. My daughter's home is in the lower Mountains. Where she met me was only 5 miles over the Mountain to her home, but we had to go around the Mountain 11 miles to get there. She had come alone to meet me and it needed an expert driver, to drive on the narrow Moun- tain road in places, but she was equal to the task. They have a good farm of 160 acres, two mules and two horses to do the work, 6 cows, calf, pigs. The hawks sometimes come after the chickens, then if her husband is not at home, she takes the gun and can shoot them on the wing. I could go to the top of the Mountain, back of their house and see in July snow on the high Mountains beyond and such deep valleys and rocks that you can form no conception of. I enclose you some views of Colorado. My health at present is remarkably good, and it appears as if I was good for some time to come, but I tire out sooner than I used to do and my hearing is not quite so good. . . . Nov. 3rd, 1889 In some respects this year has been an eventful one to me. Mr. Glaister, my youngest daughter's husband, died in January, and after taking him to Michigan to be buried there in the family vault, she came to live with me, as she rented the farm she owns, for two years. Her trouble with her mother's sickness and death and then her hus- band's seriously impaired her health, but rest and change has greatly improved it. She has the use of one house on the farm and the 1st of July we went to it, and soon my eldest daughter and my second daughter and her husband and child met us there and we spent several weeks together and had a very pleasant time. While there I received one of your letters, forwarded to me from here, and I was under the impression I answered it, but I may not have done so, for we were 10 miles from a post office and often ne- glected to write until we had an opportunity to send it. Some times when we had the opportunity, we had not the letter written and not time to write one. The farm is about 540 miles by railroad from here; 20 from Denver in the State of Colorado. It lies about 7,000 ft. above sea level and is surrounded by Mountains. The scenery all around is very fine and it is much cooler there in the summer than it is here. There are large tall pine trees near the house, and it was pleasant in the middle of the day to go and rest in their shade. With two horses and carriage we could often take a pleasant ride. There is a nice little Church about a mile from the house built by the people in the neigh- borhood, not belonging to any denomination, for there are not enough members of one denomination to sustain it. I preached in it nine Sundays out of the thirteen we were there. A severe thunderstorm NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 165 with rain prevented my doing it one Sunday, and the last Sunday I did not expect to be there so they sent for another preacher. My daughter and I returned here September 20th. Whether we shall remain here any length of time we do not know. ... Was with son Walter who was principal of the Academy at Las Vegas, New Mexico, for nine years, building it up from nothing to the finest educational institution in New Mexico. He resigned last July to re-enter the Ministry. He is now pastor of the Congregational Church at Shelbourne Falls, Massachusetts, not far from the Atlantic Shore; so it would not surprise me, if he remains there, if some summer he takes a trip over to England to see you. All the rest of my family are well. . . . Our Church here is building a very fine House of Worship for this Country and it is going to try them greatly to pay for it. ... (The End) Single copies of the NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, Vol. II, No. 1, are now available, and can be secured from Mr. Albert G. Ely, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe. The Farmington Times Hustler for February 11, 1949, carries a brief story on the history of the Navajo Methodist Mission, located at Hogback (Jewett), New Mexico. Book Reviews The Exchange Media of Colonial Mexico. Wilbur T. Meek, New York, King's Crown Press, Columbia University, 1948. Pp. 114. $2.50. The great significance in general economic theory im- puted during the last two decades to monetary and related factors, and the dominant influence in economic fluctuations now attributed to monetary and fiscal policy, naturally has directed economic historians to detailed appraisals of price trends, credit policy, and other monetary and fiscal relations of the past. Mr. Wilbur T. Meek indicates that he intended to make "a comprehensive monetary and economic interpre- tation of New Spain" when he undertook research upon which he based his study, The Exchange Media of Colonial Mexico. The climate of ideas within which men of authority in New Spain viewed their environment, however, was markedly different from our own. Their reports and letters apparently refer only casually to price trends, wage rates, and other relations which modern analysts consider funda- mental to an understanding of economic and social develop- ments. Mr. Meek concluded, obviously after painstaking review of many original sources, that "no statistics dealing with the economy of the colony as a whole (were) adequate" to fulfil his original purpose. Instead, he has provided a detailed description of the various exchange media used in the Spanish-American colo- nies, along with some discussion of the comparative values of these media, and changes in their functions which accom- panied the growth of the colonies. Chapter I, "The Colonial Policy of Spain," describes the colonial administrative units and their functions. Chapters II through VII describe "Na- tive Media of Exchange," "Money Media from the Conquest to the Establishment of the Mint," "The Mexico City Mint," "Spanish Silver Coinage in New Spain," "Spanish Gold and Copper Coinage in New Spain," and "Other Media of Ex- change." These chapters reflect laborious review of original 166 BOOK REVIEWS 167 source materials. Their detail constitutes the principal con- tribution of the study. The short concluding Chapter VIII, "An Appraisal," is commented on hereafter. I am not a student of the history of the Spanish- American colonies, but on the basis of limited acquaintance with sources in English, I believe the central descriptive chapters of Mr. Meek's study contribute significantly by filling in details concerning media of exchange used in New Spain. There are, however, several deficiencies in analysis and pre- sentation in these chapters. The relative importance of the different exchange media and the areas of New Spain in which they were used are not made clear. The chronology of their use also is indefinite. Trends of prices, variations in quantities of exchange media, and effects of these upon the economy of the colony are not considered adequately. Here, perhaps, sources are too sketchy to permit definitive statistical statements, but generalizations might appropri- ately have been made. In addition, inadequacies in tabular headings and occasional difficulties in prose structure impair the text. A more important criticism is that the opportunities of the study are not fully exploited. I believe a cogent interpre- tation of the interrelations of monetary policy and economic trends in New Spain could have been constructed from the materials which Mr. Meek incorporates in his study, despite their inadequacies. Interrelation of the discussion in Chap- ter I concerning the administrative procedures in New Spain with the comments elsewhere in the study concerning management of the exchange media, would have established more clearly that the monetary chaos in the colony arose largely from uncertain delegation of powers and from incom- petence of administrators. A full appraisal of the relations between New Spain and the mother country, between the pol- icy of the Crown and monetary disorder in the colony, and between monetary conditions and general economic develop- ments would seem to have been feasible and undoubtedly highly profitable, although conclusions necessarily would have been qualified, and perhaps tentative. Chapter VIII, "An Appraisal," performs these functions in part, but much 168 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW too briefly, . barely sketching the dominant influences and relations in the economy of the colony. Mr. Meek has, of course, anticipated this criticism. His introduction points out, as I have said, that deficiencies in sources prevented comprehensive appraisal of the colony's monetary and related economic functions. But this seems to me an insufficient excuse. The economic historian discovers almost invariably that available sources do not provide exact data upon which a complete appraisal can be based. His problem, therefore, is to synthesize available information and construct a pattern of relations from which the complex story of the past can be generalized. Mr. Meek has not suc- ceeded in this broad purpose. He has, however, presented information which will assist others in doing so. That itself is a commendable contribution. Southern Methodist University RICHARD B. JOHNSON Footprints on the Frontier: A History of the Sisters of Saint Joseph (Concordia, Kansas). Sister M. Evangeline Thomas, C.S.J. Westminster, Maryland: The Newman Press, 1948. Pp. xiv, 400. Illustrations, appendices, bibli- ography and index. $5.00. In this study Sister M. Evangeline, of the Sisters of Saint Joseph, Concordia, Kansas, presents for the first time an integrated account of the "pioneering effort on the part of five Religious Sisters of the Congregation of Saint Joseph to extend the frontiers of the Kingdom of Christ from New York State into what at the time was the hinterland of Kansas." It is the story of the building and the growth of only one Motherhouse of the Sisters of Saint Joseph and rep- resents only a portion of the history of this Congregation of nearly fifteen thousand members. Sister Evangeline interprets the term frontier of the Turnerian thesis in its broadest sense — as a challenge. Pointing out that the religious phase of the frontier thesis has been neglected, she endeavours to seek out the influences of religion on the frontier and the influence of the frontier BOOK REVIEWS 169 on religion. She does this with creditable success and has produced a volume of merit which could well serve as a model for the study of other religious congregations. At the conclusion of the preface the author writes: "There will be much attention given, therefore, to historical background and little to the anecdotal and the emotional in this work." However, she places her characters, including the founder of the Congregation, J. P. Medaille, S.J., in Chapter I in front of the richest tapestry of history — that period extending from the religious wars following the Reformation to the end of the French Revolution, a period rich in anecdote and overwhelmingly emotional. The contents of the book belie the author's statement mentioned above, for in numerous passages in the book there is marked evidence of curious incidents, fragments of inter- est, brief, detached facts intermingled with the fears, loves, hopes, worries, disappointments and intrigues. All this, when woven together into Footprints on the Frontier, pro- duces not only a historical study of this particular Mother- house of the Congregation of the Sisters of Saint Joseph, but also a warm and vital study of courageous women on the frontier. This book, outstanding in scholarly approach and docu- mental evidence, is quite different from Sister Blandina's, At the End of the Santa Fe Trail, which, in relating purely human and personal experiences, might also be used as a model in religious orders. To the layman, Sister Evangeline's volume opens new vistas for understanding the challenges which confronted the religious in an unsettled country and the manner in which these challenges were met and conquered. The book consists of thirteen chapters, organized in two general divisions. Part I consists of chapters on the Euro- pean and French background, the Mississippi Valley in the early nineteenth century, and Western New York, with spe- cific references to the cities of Canandaigua, Buffalo, and Rochester, New York. The chapters of Part II treat pri- marily the Administrations of Reverend Mothers Stanislaus Leary, Antoinette Cuff, Mary Rose Waller, and Mary Chry- 170 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW sostom Wynn in Kansas in the late nineteenth century and up to the present day. It also includes an excellent chapter on the problems and efforts in securing Papal Approbation. Sister Evangeline bases her account on manuscript sources, diligently pursued in diocesan archives and in those of the various motherhouses, and on numerous newspapers, books, articles and interviews. The highest standard of scholarship is maintained throughout the book, which is care- fully edited, illustrated, and published in an attractive form. Loretto Heights College CLIFFORD P. WESTERMEIER Loretto, Colorado. ic Ubrary 3 Cjty, MO. <JVLexico Historical "Review July, 1949 Editors FRANK D. REEVE PAUL A. F. WALTER • Associates PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND FRANCE V. SCHOLES THEODOSIUS MEYER, O.F.M. ARTHUR J. 0. ANDERSON VOL. XXIV JULY, 1949 No. 3 CONTENTS Page Spanish-American Slave Trade in the Great Basin, 1800-1853 Leland Hargrave Creer 171 New Mexico in Transition .... Arnold L. Rodriguez 184 Checklist of New Mexico Publications . . Wilma Loy Shelton 223 Notes and Documents 236 Book Reviews . 255 THE NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW is published jointly by the Historical Society of New Mexico and the University of New Mexico. Subscription to the quarterly is $3.00 a year in advance ; single numbers, except those which have become scarce, are $1.00 each. Business communications should be addressed to Mr. P. A. F. Walter, State Museum, Santa Fe, N. M. ; manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be addressed to Prof. Frank D. Reeve, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, N. M. Entered as second-class matter at Santa Fe, New Mexico UNIVERSITY PRESS, ALBUQUERQUE, N. M. " Mo> NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOL. XXIV JULY, 1949 No. 3 SPANISH-AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE IN THE GREAT BASIN, 1800-1853 By LELAND HARGRAVE CREER* GOLD, glory, gospel — the three G's — these were the objec- tives that lured the Spanish conquistadors across the Atlantic Ocean to the New World beyond. They came at the close of the fifteenth century, more than a hundred years before their English, French and Dutch rivals. By 1600, more than 250,000 Spaniards were in possession of Central America, the West Indies, two-thirds of Mexico and a goodly portion of South America. Beyond Mexico stretched the fabulous Northern Mystery, whither went hundreds of Spanish explorers, chief among whom were De Soto, Cabeza de Vaca, Narvaez, Ponce de Leon, Coronado, Espejo, Ferrelo, Cabrillo and Vizcaino, to mention only a few. They were looking for a pot of gold at the end of the rainbow which, according to Indian legend, was to be found at the Chicora Villages, home of the giant king Datha, or at the fabulous Gran Quivira. They were also searching for the mythical Strait of Anian, a legendary waterway, flowing from east to west, which was supposed to separate the North American Continent, thus affording a shorter and more expeditious route to India. But the vast wastelands to the North yielded neither gold nor strait and the disappointed Spaniards turned their atten- tion from this area and directed their interests thenceforth almost exclusively to the fabulous treasure houses of Mexico and Peru. And only when their foreign rivals threatened to * Professor of History, University of Utah. 171 172 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW invade these regions and thus challenge the security of the Spanish claim, did Spain retaliate by occupying the Border- lands as defensive outposts. Thus when the French under Ribaut and Laudonierre attempted to found